THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 


&u  35  7 


TRAILING 
THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

TWELVE  THOUSAND  MILES  WITH 
THE  ALLIES  IN  SIBERIA 


BY 

CARL  W.  ACKERMAN 

Special  Correspondent  of  The  New  York  Times 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 
1919 


A  56 


COPYRIGHT,  1919,   BT 

CHARLES   SCRIBNEB'S   SONS 


Published  June.  1919 


COPYRIGHT,  1918,  1919,  BY  THE  NEW  YORK  TIMES 
COPYRIGHT,  1919,  BY  THE  CURTIS  PUBLISHING  CO. 


•a 

THE  AMERICAN  EXILES  IN  SIBERIA 


INTRODUCTION 

ONE  war  is  over  and  another  conflict  begins.  Fol- 
lowing the  tracks  of  Thor  is  visible  the  trail  of  the 
Bolsheviki. 

The  armistice  marked  only  a  pause  in  the  great  world 
cataclysm — a  pause  where  the  contest  ceased  only  long 
enough  for  the  participants  to  change  from  nations 
to  individuals.  The  Treaty  of  Peace,  while  recording 
the  close  of  the  war  between  the  Associated  Powers 
and  the  Central  Empires,  is  but  a  sign  to  indicate  the 
end  of  the  War  of  Nations  and  the  beginning  of  the 
period  of  reconstruction.  The  transition  is  from  an 
international  conflict  of  governments  to  a  world  con- 
test between  reconstruction  forces — -between  those 
who  believe  in  destroying  the  world  to  rebuild  it  and 
those  who  desire  to  accept  the  world  as  it  is  to  remodel 
it. 

The  two  contestants  are  Bolshevism,  or  class  in- 
dividualism and  a  league  of  nations,  or  a  union  of 
world  governments.  The  essential  difference  between 
the  two  is  that  the  former  demands  a  revolution  of 
action  and  the  latter  symbolizes  a  revolution  of  opinion 
and  adjustment. 

For  five  years  I  have  been  travelling  as  a  corre- 
spondent within  and  without  belligerent  and  neutral 
countries  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  the  Americas,  follow- 
ing the  developments  of  the  war  and  studying  the 
political  and  industrial  causes  and  incentives  of  mass 
action.  In  Germany,  in  the  old  Hapsburg  Monarchy, 


viii  INTRODUCTION 

in  Belgium,  France,  Poland,  Rumania,  and  Siberia 
I  followed  the  god  of  war  and  reported  numerous  events 
of  fighting.  This  winter  I  followed  the  trail  of  the 
Bolsheviki  over  12,000  miles  in  Russia,  from  Vladivos- 
tok to  Ekaterinburg,  where  the  Tzar  is  believed  to 
have  been  done  to  death,  and  back  again  to  New  York 
via  China  and  Japan.  I  met  the  Bolshevist  vanguard 
in  Switzerland  and  in  the  United  States,  and  some  of 
the  exiles  in  Spain  and  Mexico.  Over  the  face  of  the 
globe  winds  the  serpentine  trail  of  the  revolutionists,  a 
part  of  which  I  have  followed  and  traversed. 

From  time  to  time  on  my  journeys  I  have  been  in 
contact  or  in  communication  with  those  who  have 
been  dreaming  and  laboring  for  a  world  society  of 
governments.  With  many  statesmen  and  the  chief 
executives  of  several  nations  I  have  discussed  the 
problems  and  possibilities  of  international  co-opera- 
tion, and  I  have  had  the  good  fortune  of  knowing  some 
of  the  men  who  wrote  the  first  draft  of  a  world  consti- 
tution. In  travelling  and  living  with  armies,  refugees, 
and  civilians  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  feeling  the 
pulse  of  peoples  under  war  conditions  and  the  circum- 
stances of  reconstruction  in  no  less  than  eighteen  coun- 
tries. 

Looking  back  upon  my  contact  with  statesmen, 
soldiers,  and  non-combatants,  I  discern  something  of 
the  development  and  the  problems  and  programmes 
of  these  two  international  forces  which  are  working 
to-day  for  a  new  world:  Bolshevism  and  a  league  of 
nations. 

Bolshevism  is  the  Russian  name  for  a  revolutionary- 
mo  vement  which  has  as  its  object  the  overthrowing 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

of  existing  governments  and  society  and  the  revolu- 
tionization  of  industry  and  commerce.  Bolshevism 
is  caused  by  industrial  discontent,  social  unrest,  and 
by  the  unsettled  conditions  in  a  nation  passing  through 
the  transition  period  from  war  to  peace.  It  is  a  polit- 
ical programme  formulated  and  supported  by  those 
who  have  lost  faith  hi  political  leaders  and  govern- 
ment. The  Bolsheviki  believe  in  razing  the  world 
in  order  to  rebuild  it. 

The  League  of  Nations  is  the  name  given  to  a  group 
of  world  governments  organized  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  about  international  co-operation,  unity,  and 
understanding  in  international,  political,  and  commer- 
cial relations.  The  demand  for  such  a  society  is  due 
to  the  failure  of  alliances,  spheres  of  influence,  and  the 
balancing  of  power.  The  universal  desire  of  the  public 
that  governments  co-operate  in  an  attempt  to  minimize 
and  limit  the  possibilities  of  international  conflicts,  was 
the  foundation  upon  which  the  league  was  built.  The 
fundamental  object  of  a  society  of  governments  is  to 
reconstruct  the  world  upon  a  new  basis;  upon  a  basis 
of  mutual  understanding  regarding  international  law, 
commerce,  trade  routes,  and  the  maintenance  of  agree- 
ments. The  League  of  Nations  proposes  to  accept  the 
world  as  it  is  and  attempt  through  mutual  discussion 
and  exchange  of  ideas  to  rebuild,  reconstruct,  and  re- 
vitalize it. 

The  war  ran  a  race  with  revolution  and  won  in  the 
Allied  and  neutral  countries.  It  won  the  first  lap  of 
the  race  which  ended  with  the  signing  of  the  armistice, 
but  the  second  is  beginning  between  a  revolution  of 
action  and  a  revolution  of  opinion.  The  outcome  is 


x  INTRODUCTION 

not  visible  to-day  because  it  depends  upon  the  speed 
with  which  opinions  change.  The  mind  of  the  mass 
moves  rapidly,  and  there  is  peace  both  within  or  with- 
out a  nation  only  so  long  as  those  who  direct  the  public 
policies  keep  abreast  or  ahead  of  the  opinions  of  the 
people.  "The  opinion  of  the  world  is  the  mistress  of 
the  world."  The  world-wide  revolutionary  movement 
of  to-day  is  essentially  only  a,  universal  sentiment  in 
favor  of  a  better  world  after  this  war.  Four  years  of 
intense  discussion  of  war  issues  has  fed  the  minds  of 
the  people  with  new  ideas  and  higher  ideals.  Thus 
far  this  great  mass  of  humanity  has  not  formulated 
these  into  a  plan  of  action  or  a  programme  for  realiza- 
tion. People  are  looking,  as  always,  to  their  leaders. 

A  revolution  of  action  develops  when  the  mass  mind 
moves  too  rapidly  for  statesmen  and  governments  to 
change  their  opinions  and  laws,  or  when  governments 
fail  to  sense  the  power  of  the  will  of  the  mass.  Revo- 
lutions of  action  were  successful  in  Russia,  Germany, 
Austria-Hungary,  Turkey,  and  Bulgaria  when  those 
who  directed  the  governments  and  industries  did  not 
heed  the  desires  of  the  people.  There  will  be  similar 
eruptions  in  other  nations  unless  these  compelling 
lessons  of  the  war  are  applied  elsewhere.  The  pre- 
dominant force  back  of  a  union  of  world  governments 
is  the  limitless  longing  of  war-weary  people  that  an 
attempt  be  made  to  solve  international  and  national 
problems  without  bloodshed  and  destruction.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  industrial  crusaders  of  Bolshevism 
contend  that  the  world  can  only  be  purged  by  fire  and 
blood. 

This  is  not  a  temporary  question  but  the  problem 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

of  a  generation.  In  Siberia,  after  the  revolution,  both 
the  Bolsheviki  and  the  Allies,  working  as  a  nucleus 
of  a  league  of  nations,  failed.  Both  reconstruction 
forces  were  unsuccessful.  The  experiences  of  the  writer 
in  this  vast  domain  will  serve  as  material  for  illustra- 
tions of  the  failure  of  Bolshevism  and  the  difficulties 
of  international  concerted  action.  In  Siberia  Bol- 
shevism and  a  union  of  foreign  governments  clashed 
for  the  first  time.  This  is  what  makes  Siberia  the  only 
laboratory  at  present  available  for  an  analysis  of  these 
two  reconstruction  forces.  In  trailing  the  Bolsheviki, 
I  have  followed  and  crossed  the  tracks  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  action,  not  alone  in  Siberia,  but  in  Germany, 
Hungary,  Switzerland,  and  the  United  States. 

"Give  us  peace  and  give  us  bread,"  said  an  old 
Russian  peasant  in  the  Amur.  That  is  the  world  prob- 
lem. Peace,  bread,  work,  and  opportunity  are  the 
demands  of  the  people. 

Peace  will  not  come  immediately  after  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  in  France.  Peace  will  come  only 
by  slow  stages  of  development.  The  long  period  of 
reconstruction  which  will  follow  the  end  of  this  war 
will  be  an  era  of  constant  conflict  between  the  men 
and  women  who  are  to  rebuild  the  world  after  their 
own  ideas.  No  one  doubts  that  the  new  world  must 
be  and  will  be  different  from  the  old,  but  there  will 
be  grave  disagreements  about  the  methods  of  recon- 
struction. There  will  be  those  who  wish  to  tear  down 
hi  order  to  rebuild  and  others  who  will  seek  to  remake 
by  gradual  adjustment. 

The  pendulum  of  history  has  swung  from  reaction 
to  revolution,  but  civilization  has  been  advanced  only 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

when  the  pendulum  swung  backward  and  forward 
evenly  over  the  arc  of  Time.  The  pendulum  is  now 
swinging  from  the  extreme  of  war  to  the  extreme  of 
reconstruction.  It  is  the  task  of  the  peoples  and  gov- 
ernments of  the  world  to  generate  the  gravity  which 
makes  the  pendulum  swing  ceaselessly  and  regularly, 
ticking  the  hours  of  progress  which  make  the  days 
of  happiness  and  the  centuries  of  advancement. 

CARL  W.  ACKERMAN. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 
May,  1919. 


CONTENTS 

PAQB 

INTRODUCTION vii 

CHAPTEB 

I.    FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK    ....  1 

II.    IN  THE  LAND  or  "NITCHEVO" 16 

III.  THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES 36 

IV.  IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH    ....  59 
V.    THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR 83 

VI.    AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS         v     .  107 

VII.    THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT  IN  RUSSIA   .     .  137 

VIII.     AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES  IN  RUSSIA    .     .  160 

IX.    DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA       .     .     .     .     .     .  179 

X.    VAGABONDING  BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK.     .     .     .  203 

XI.    JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA 225 

XII.    BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA 247 

XIII.  THE  RUSSIAN  CO-OPERATIVE  UNIONS  ....  267 

XIV.  THE  FUTURE  OF  PEACE 275 

APPENDIX:    A.    CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  SOCIAL- 
IST FEDERATED  SOVIET  REPUBLIC  .     .  281 

B.    COVENANT  OF  THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  297 
xiii 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Staff  of  the  A.  E.  F.  in  Vladivostok Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE! 

View  of  a  typical  Russian  city,  showing  the  wide  streets  and 

small  carriages  or  "droshkies" 38 

A  typical  Siberian  village  scene 48 

American  railroad  engineers  in  Siberia 64 

Professor  IpatiefPs  home  in  Ekaterinburg,  where  the  Tzar 
and  his  family  were  last  imprisoned  by  the  Ural  District 

Soviet 84 

Wives  of  Bolshevist  political  prisoners  in  the  Ekaterinburg  jail  108 

Conference  of  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers     .......  134 

A  common  sight  along  the  Russian  railroads 150 

Lt.-Col.  0.  P.  Robinson,  Chief  of  Staff,  A.  E.  F 166 

General  Otani,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Allied  forces  .     .  166 

General  Knox  (seated)  with  his  Chief  of  Staff 168 

Destruction  of  the  railroad  by  the  Bolsheviki 174 

General  Janin  reviewing  troops  of  the  new  Russian  army      .  176 

U.  S.  troops  in  Khabarovsk  freight  yards 184 

xv 


xvi  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PACING  PAGE 

Presentation  of  the  standards  to  the  Second  Czecho-Slovak 

Division 204 

Japanese  troops  in  Vladivostok 234 

Ataman  of  the  Usuri  Cossacks,  General  Kalmykoff ,  with  Lieu- 
tenant Brown  of  the  U.  S.  Army,  in  Khabarovsk       .     .     240 


TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 


CHAPTER  I 
FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK 

EIGHT  thousand  miles  west  of  New  York  lies  the 
city  of  Vladivostok,  "Tzar  of  the  East,"  under  the 
empire,  but  to-day  the  political  melting-pot  of  the 
Orient  and  an  abandoned  outpost  on  the  trail  of 
the  Bolsheviki.  It  was  a  long  journey  from  the  United 
States  to  Peter  the  Great  Gulf  and  this  Siberian  sea- 
port and  dismantled  naval-station.  Across  the  con- 
tinent and  the  Pacific  via  San  Francisco,  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  Yokohama,  and  Tsuruga,  I  travelled  thirty- 
seven  days  before  I  saw  the  cliffs  of  Golden  Horn  Bay 
silhouetted  against  the  dull  gray  sky  of  an  October 
morning.  The  distance  and  the  time  were  impressive 
and  appalling.  It  seemed  a  long  way  to  go  to  join 
the  Allied  armies  in  Russia  as  a  correspondent  and 
to  follow  the  military  vanguard  on  its  ill-fated  cam- 
paign against  the  Red  army,  but  as  the  days  and  weeks 
passed,  these  elements  became  insignificant,  because 
time  and  distance  are  not  measured,  after  all,  so  much 
by  hours  and  miles  as  by  events,  and  the  action  or  lack 
of  it  in  Siberia  was  destined  to  bring  the  United  States 
and  Russia  closer  together  than  they  were  on  the  map. 

Between  New  York  and  Vladivostok  lies  the  con- 
tinent, the  Pacific  and  Japan,  the  Occident  and  the 
Orient — the  East  and  the  Far  East — nations  allied 
in  a  great  war  and  still  mysteries  to  each  other.  Rid- 

1 


2  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ing  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Western  seaboard  of  the 
United  States  there  was  evident  the  preparation  and 
development  of  a  united  nation  for  war  in  France, 
Flanders,  and  Italy.  To  Americans,  Siberia  was  an 
incident,  not  an  event;  a  playhouse,  not  a  war  theatre. 

To  those  living  in  our  Eastern  States  the  war  in 
Europe  was  the  most  vital  part  of  their  lives,  although 
they  may  not  have  taken  a  direct  physical  part  in  any 
war  activity.  They  followed  the  progress  of  events 
in  France  and  Washington  with  such  concentrated 
interest  that  the  latest  news  was  of  more  importance 
to  their  peace  of  mind  than  an  essential  meal.  But 
the  farther  West  one  travelled,  as  the  distance  which 
separated  Western  cities  from  Europe  increased,  the 
interest  in  the  war  seemed  to  be  linked  to  Europe 
by  a  rubber  band,  which  snapped  back  when  the  strain 
became  too  great.  It  was  a  strain  to  follow  the  war 
developments  in  France  as  intently  in  San  Francisco 
as  in  New  York  or  Philadelphia.  The  vital  news 
reached  the  West,  but  all  of  the  color  and  detail  were 
missing.  Between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  there 
seemed  to  be  an  invisible  news-sieve  which  permitted 
only  the  biggest  reports  to  reach  the  West. 

It  was  not  alone  in  respect  to  news  that  this  was 
true.  There  was  more  food  and  more  varieties  of  edi- 
bles, which  became  noticeable  as  soon  as  the  Rocky 
Mountains  were  crossed.  That  State  which  is  some- 
times called  the  "Land  of  Perpetual  Summer"  was  not 
Hooverized  to  the  extent  of  those  east  of  Ohio,  and 
it  was  a  curious  but  actual  experience  that  the  more 
food  one  obtained  the  less  one  felt  the  war. 

Sailing  on  an  old  Japanese  liner  which  had  been 


lashed  and  rocked  by  the  waves  of  the  Pacific  for  more 
than  a  decade,  from  Frisco  to  Yokohama,  when  the 
war  in  France  was  rapidly  approaching  a  climax,  one 
felt  that  the  Pacific  Ocean  was  well-named  by  its  dis- 
coverer, for  the  Germans  were  not  able  to  disturb  its 
tranquillity.  It  was,  indeed,  a  "subless"  sea  which  only 
those  who  crossed  the  Atlantic  during  the  U-boat  war- 
fare could  fully  appreciate.  Instead  of  those  tense 
days  and  uncertain  nights,  with  their  ceaseless  rumor 
and  semiconscious  slumber,  which  were  then  the  ac- 
companiment of  all  trans-Atlantic  journeys,  there 
were  days  and  weeks  so  devoid  of  war  sensations,  of 
submarine  activities,  of  life-boat  drills,  and  of  passing 
convoys,  that  one  was  glad  there  was,  at  least,  a  pi- 
rateless  Pacific. 

Aboard  the  old  Nippon  Maru,  the  "swimming"  Nip- 
pon, great  abysses  separated  one  from  Europe.  There 
was  the  calm  and  non-belligerency  of  the  ocean,  the 
lack  of  detailed  and  daily  information  about  our  armies 
in  France,  and  the  abundance  of  food  with  hundreds 
of  varieties  from  California,  Hawaii,  and  Japan.  These 
great  divides  separated  the  traveller  from  the  enemy. 
But  as  this  vast  gulf  widened  one  became  conscious 
of  the  fact  that  the  half -hemisphere  which  separated 
New  York  from  Siberia  and  eastern  Russia  was  nar- 
rowing, and  that  East  and  Far  East  were  meeting  in 
Vladivostok.  New  York  and  the  Eastern  States  seemed 
near  to  France  and  to  the  fighting  because  the  At- 
lantic was  bridged  by  human  ties,  by  ships,  news,  and 
trade.  The  extreme  Orient  seemed  far;  Siberia  was 
only  a  cold,  bleak  prison  for  the  Tzar's  exiles  because 
these  scores  of  interests  and  personal  connections  of 


4  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

a  familiar  Europe  were  lacking.  But  now,  at  last, 
the  Pacific  was  destined  to  be  spanned  by  the  same 
forces  which  linked  the  United  States  to  England, 
Belgium,  and  France,  except  that  the  submarines  did 
not  appear  to  stain  that  placid  sea  of  blue.  While 
the  "  U-bootkrieg "  severed  the  official  lines  between 
Washington  and  Berlin  only  to  bind  together  more 
closely  those  human  and  national  bonds  between 
America  and  the  Allies,  it  had  by  its  very  absence 
from  the  Pacific  brought  about  the  same  results  and 
bound  the  United  States,  England,  France,  and  Italy 
to  China,  Japan  and  Siberia  through  unobstructed 
trade. 

A  few  miles  off  the  Golden  Gate  the  American  pilot 
was  dropped,  and  on  the  Nippon  Maru  I  discovered 
the  Far  East  and  Russia  in  miniature!  Here  were 
the  extreme  types  and  the  commonplace  of  the  Orient 
and  the  Far  Northeast.  Monarchist,  Bolshevist,  and 
Social  Revolutionist  of  Russia  passed  on  the  decks  or 
in^the  hold  the  extremes  of  China,  the  lazy  "coolie" 
who  gambled  day  and  night  and  the  progressive  Chi- 
nese merchant  en  route  to  Hongkong  with  his  Latin- 
American  wife.  Here  were  Japanese  professors,  officers, 
and  business  men  bound  for  Tokyo  and  Kobe  with 
their  compact  brains  stored  with  Western  ideas;  West- 
ern ideas  of  commerce  and  war.  English  and  American 
professors  en  route  to  Manila  and  Shanghai;  English 
bankers  and  American  exporters;  United  States  army 
officers  and  engineers;  Italians,  Brazilians,  and  Chilians 
were  all  bound  for  Russia,  China,  and  Japan. 

This  steamer  was  only  one  of  many  which  had  been 
carrying  Russians  from  every  section  of  America  as 


FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK     5 

well  as  from  France  and  England  back  to  their  native 
land  via  Siberia.  The  revolution  opened  the  gates 
for  the  exiles  and  foreign  refugees  and  the  Bolshevist 
from  the  East  Side;  the  Revolutionist  from  New  Jersey 
and  the  Monarchist  from  Paris  met  on  the  Pacific  en 
route  to  Russia  to  search  for  relatives  or  take  part  in 
political  propaganda.  These  ships  which  sailed  un- 
heralded from  our  Western  ports  for  Siberia  and  Japan 
were  weaving  a  cloth  of  commerce  and  political  in- 
terests over  the  Pacific.  They  were  the  shuttles  sewing 
the  coasts  of  the  Far  East  and  the  West  together. 

In  the  air  the  wireless  reported  daily  the  events 
which  followed  in  quick  succession  the  landing  of  the 
Japanese  and  Allies  hi  Vladivostok,  and  their  march 
down  the  Usuri  Valley  in  pursuit  of  the  Bolsheviki. 
All  fronts  have  a  beginning  in  military  action  and 
there  was  action  already  in  Siberia.  It  was  a  battle- 
front  hi  the  making. 

Coming  from  Japan  were  other  ships,  which,  steam- 
ing by  in  the  distance,  sent  news  of  the  "new  front" 
not  in  bulletin  form  but  in  detail.  They  told  of  the 
progress  of  the  Japanese  troops  in  Siberia  and  Man- 
churia, of  the  towns  and  cities  freed  of  Bolshevists. 
They  described  the  cavalry  charges,  the  counter- 
attacks, the  retirement  of  the  enemy  and,  at  the  end 
of  one  message  was  a  brief  paragraph  saying  that  the 
twenty-one  Japanese  soldiers  and  officers,  killed  in 
action,  were  being  brought  back  to  Nippon  for  burial ! 

And  most  of  us  had  to  look  up  the  Usuri  River  on 
the  map,  for  it  was  as  new  to  us  as  the  Marne  to  Amer- 
icans before  the  war.  Ignorance  plays  a  surprising 
role  in  life  and  world  events.  A  lack  of  understanding 


6  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

and  knowledge  especially  of  foreign  countries  and 
international  politics  is  perhaps  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  Siberian  debacle,  which  could  not  be  sensed  in 
the  beginning  by  Americans  and  Allies  because  of 
their  lack  of  knowledge  of  Russia.  How  strange  the 
Far  East  is  to  the  average  American  was  evidenced 
one  night  on  the  ship  when  a  Chicago  merchant,  en 
route  to  India  on  his  first  ocean  voyage,  to  whom  Si- 
beria was  a  million  miles  away  from  his  office  in  the 
McCormick  building,  looked  down  into  the  hatch, 
watching  the  Chinese  play  "fan- tan."  It  was  a  new 
game  and  a  new  experience  to  him  and  he  rushed  to 
the  first  cabin  to  spread  the  news  that  the  "coolies 
are  gambling  with  gold."  Many  of  us,  sceptical  be- 
cause of  the  thorough  search  by  the  United  States 
Custom  officials  for  gold  before  we  left  San  Francisco, 
accompanied  him  to  the  lower  deck  to  see  the  yellow 
metal  and  the  yellow  hands,  but,  alas!  the  "gold" 
was  mere  Chinese  brass  sen  pieces,  of  which  it  is  said 
it  takes  a  wheel-barrow  full  to  make  a  dollar,  glistening 
like  gold  in  the  yellow  rays  of  the  electric  lights !  And 
our  ideas  of  Siberia  before  seven  thousand  five  hun- 
dred American  soldiers  were  landed  there,  under  the 
command  of  Major-General  William  S.  Graves,  was 
as  glaring  as  this  Middle  Western  merchant's  knowl- 
edge of  Chinese  customs. 

Travelling  during  the  war  one  had  more  than  the 
simple  advantages  of  comfort  over  the  days  of  Co- 
lumbus. Ships  in  war-time  were  melting-pots  of  na- 
tions. Columbus  had  to  wait  until  he  sighted  land 
or  until  he  stepped  ashore  before  he  could  learn  the 
language,  the  customs,  or  the  ideas  of  a  new  people. 


FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK     7 

To-day  one  meets  the  citizens  of  all  countries  on  the 
steamers,  especially  Russians  on  the  ships  which  ply 
between  America  and  Russia.  Since  the  Russian  revo- 
lution thousands  of  Russians  have  crossed  the  Pacific 
and  these  men  and  women  who  were  residents  of  New 
York,  Seattle,  Chicago,  and  Newark  have  flocked  to 
the  land  of  their  birth  to  become  officials  or  business 
men.  One  of  the  Bolshevist  commissars  of  Khaba- 
rovsk, the  capital  of  the  Amur,  was  a  Chicago  lawyer. 
Petrograd  and  Moscow  were  filled  with  political  agi- 
tators from  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  In  nearly 
every  Siberian  city  were  refugees  from  cities  on  our 
western  coast.  On  the  Nippon  Maru  were  more  of 
these  Russian-Americans  en  route  to  their  native 
land,  Bolshevist,  Menshevist,  and  Monarchist,  plotter 
and  peaceful  citizen. 

Walking  the  deck  one  evening  I  met  a  young  Rus- 
sian Jew  from  one  of  the  communicating  suburbs  of 
New  York.  He  had  been  in  the  United  States  three 
years,  and  was  now  en  route  to  Russia  to  search  for  his 
family  which  he  had  left  in  a  small  town  near  Moscow. 

"I  don't  know  ver  my  vife  iss,"  he  said.  "I  half 
not  heard  about  her  or  my  children  since  April." 

"You  have  an  American  passport?"  I  asked. 

"No,  a  Russian." 

"Were  you  in  sympathy  with  the  revolution?" 

"Zertainly,"  was  his  quick  answer.  He  was  a  keen, 
determined  fellow  and  his  English,  while  not  perfect, 
showed  that  he  had  been  utilizing  every  opportunity 
to  improve  it  in  his  humble  circumstances  because 
he  had  been  working  in  a  junk-shop  near  Newark,  and 
had  saved  five  thousand  dollars  in  three  years! 


8  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"I  tink,  I  mean  'I  think/  it  will  be  the  greatest 
blessing  there  could  be  for  the  Russian  people,"  he 
added.  "You  don't  know  what  it  was  before.  I  do. 
I  was  born  there.  I  lived  there.  I  married  there.  It 
was  hell.  I  left." 

"And  now  you  are  going  back?"  I  asked. 

"To  get  my  family,"  he  replied,  and  we  walked  back 
and  forth  under  the  canvas  awning  over  the  promenade 
deck  while  he  stared  impatiently  at  the  calm  southern 
sea,  his  mind  four  thousand  miles  away,  and  I  watched 
the  rays  of  moonlight  dance  on  the  deck  as  the  ship 
rolled  silently  and  monotonously.  Finally  I  asked 
him  if  he  was  a  Bolshevist. 

"Niet!    I  mean  'No,'"  he  retorted  harshly. 

"What  does  the  word  'Bolsheviki'  mean?"  I  asked. 

"Maximum  or  majority,"  he  replied.  "There  were 
two  factions  of  the  Social  Democratic  party.  The 
Bolshevists  and  the  Menshevists.  The  first  desired 
the  maximum  programme  of  Karl  Marx  and  the  other 
the  minimum." 

"Are  you  a  Socialist?"  I  questioned. 

"Niet!"  and  then  he  paused.  "I'm  in  business. 
I'm  a  partner  in  the  junk  business  in  Newark,"  he 
answered  with  pride.  "I  half  taken  my  first  papers 
out." 

Another  Russian  passenger,  a  Monarchist,  had  come 
from  Paris.  He  was  being  financed  on  his  present 
journey  by  wealthy  Russians  in  Washington.  At 
various  times  in  his  life  he  had  been  school-teacher, 
army  officer,  and  priest.  He  claimed  to  be  the  owner 
of  considerable  property  near  Petrograd,  and  was 
such  a  firm  believer  in  the  Tzar  he  could  not  imagine 


FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK     9 

the  "Little  Father"  dead.  During  the  voyage  he 
wrote  essays  in  French  to  prove  to  an  American  lieu- 
tenant that  there  was  more  " Culture"  in  Russia  than 
in  the  United  States.  He  had  neither  patience  for, 
nor  interest  in,  any  other  faction  hi  Russia  than  the 
Royalists,  and  he  and  the  other  Russians  would  get 
in  such  bitter  arguments  that  they  seemed  to  long 
for  a  landing  in  Russia  so  they  could  fight  it  out  be- 
tween themselves  hi  then:  own  country.  But  after 
they  reached  Vladivostok  each  went  his  way  to  fight 
with  words,  for  they  were  either  patriots  or  paid  propa- 
gandists. 

This  ship  controversy  over  Russia  proved  to  be 
more  than  an  amusing  farce,  and  a  rather  accurate 
forecast  of  the  situation  in  Siberia.  There  was  about 
the  same  possibility  of  uniting  our  Russian  passengers 
on  a  programme  of  relief  or  war  or  reconstruction  as 
there  proved  to  be  possibilities  of  uniting  the  Russian 
factions.  Revolutionists  recognized  no  compromise. 
That  was  a  plank  in  their  political  and  industrial  pro- 
gramme, and  as  for  the  Militarists  and  Monarchists, 
neither  history  nor  war  had  taught  them  the  lessons 
of  concession. 

Shortly  before  we  left  the  United  States  the  Allied 
governments  had  announced  their  decision  to  land 
troops  hi  Siberia,  and  by  the  time  we  were  at  sea  the 
Japanese,  Americans,  Englishmen,  and  Frenchmen 
were  marched  into  the  Amur  hi  pursuit  of  the  Bol- 
sheviki.  At  that  time  the  common  impression  was 
that  the  Bolshevists  were  German  agents,  and  the  ob- 
ject of  the  Allies,  although  rather  cloudy,  appeared 
to  be  to  attack  the  Bolshevists  through  Russia — the 


10  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

back  door  to  Germany.  The  Czecho-Slovak  revo- 
lutionary army  had  been  fighting  since  the  latter  part 
of  May,  and  the  Allies  were  entering  Russia  ostensibly 
to  assist  them,  not  in  a  campaign  against  Russia,  but 
on  behalf  of  the  Russians ! 

I  had  my  credentials  to  the  Czecho-Slovak  army 
issued  in  Washington  when  President  T.  G.  Masaryk 
was  representing  the  National  Council  of  Czecho- 
slovakia in  the  United  States.  I  had  letters  of  credence 
to  the  Japanese,  French,  British,  Italian,  and  Chinese 
forces,  and  was  accredited  to  the  A.  E.  F.,  but  I  had 
a  confused  idea  of  what  might  be  the  developments 
in  Russia,  because  it  was  almost  impossible  to  fathom 
the  policies  or  the  plans  of  the  associated  Powers. 
There  had  been  more  disagreement  and  mystery  about 
the  " Russian  problem"  than  about  any  other  phase 
of  the  war,  and,  as  I  read  the  declared  intentions  of 
the  Allies  before  they  landed  their  forces  in  Russia 
and  studied  the  reports  which  I  had  taken  with  me 
aboard  the  ship,  the  difference  of  opinion  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Allies  became  more  and  more 
evident.  Of  the  numerous  proposals  which  had  been 
considered  by  the  associated  governments  there  were 
two  plans  of  action  upon  which  the  Powers  were  divided. 
Japan,  England,  and  France  were  in  favor  of  strong 
military  intervention.  Great  pressure  had  been  brought 
to  bear  upon  Washington  to  permit  the  Japanese  to 
intervene  alone.  Although  there  were  indications  that 
Japan  would  accept  the  task,  if  granted  a  free  hand 
by  the  Allies  and  the  United  States,  there  were  dangers 
ahead  which  the  United  States  could  not  overlook. 
Washington,  on  the  other  hand,  steadfastly  contended 


FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK   11 

that  the  best  policy  to  adopt  toward  Russia  was  one 
of  economic  rehabilitation,  and  even  after  our  troops 
were  permitted  to  join  the  Allies  hi  Vladivostok  this 
policy  was  blindly  followed.  At  the  very  beginning 
this  was  the  gulf  which  separated  the  Powers. 

When  a  war  ends,  no  matter  what  the  cause,  re- 
construction begins.  For  Russia  the  war  ended  in 
March,  1917,  when  the  Tzar  Nikolas  Romanoff 
was  overthrown  and  a  provisional  government  pro- 
claimed. Because  the  war  had  not  ended  in  Europe 
generally,  few  observers  looked  upon  the  new  situation 
in  Russia  as  being  anything  other  than  a  reorganization 
for  war.  But  the  vital  spark  which  fired  the  nation 
to  revolution  was  partially  caused  by  the  war  itself,  and 
the  one  spark  could  not  kindle  two  fires  at  the  same 
time.  Russia  was  the  first  reconstruction  problem, 
and,  whether  the  Allies  as  a  unit  recognized  this  or 
not,  they  were  divided  as  to  the  methods  and  plans 
of  action. 

After  twenty-eight  days  on  the  Pacific,  associating 
with  Russians,  Japanese,  Chinese,  Americans,  and  six 
or  eight  other  nationalities,  I  rickshawed  from  the  dock 
to  the  Yokohama-Tokyo  electric  railway,  and  jour- 
neyed on  to  the  capital  of  Japan,  from  which  city  I  de- 
parted the  following  evening  for  Tsuruga. 

From  Tsuruga,  a  small  inland  harbor  city  of  Japan, 
passenger-ships  leave  twice  a  week  for  Vladivostok. 
Being  fourteen  hours  from  Tokyo,  on  the  Japan  sea, 
a  traveller  would  easily  overlook  the  city,  and,  in  so 
doing,  would  be  making  a  fatal  mistake.  To  see  and 
know  the  Far  East  to-day  one  must  visit  Tsuruga  to 
see  one  of  the  chief  cities  on  the  commercial  route  to 


12  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Siberia  from  the  Island  Kingdom.  To  the  Japanese 
Siberia  is  not  a  Russian  problem  but  a  Far-Eastern 
question,  and,  although  Russia  and  Siberia  may  again 
be  united,  their  interests,  during  the  next  ten  years 
or  more,  will  be  divided.  The  reason  is  simple.  In 
European  Russia  the  problems  of  reconstruction  will 
be  essentially  political,  industrial,  and  social,  and  con- 
tinental politics  will  play  an  important  part.  In  Si- 
beria will  arise  questions  of  influence,  of  development, 
and  expansion,  with  the  United  States  and  Japan  in 
the  chief  r6les.  So  to  an  American  Tsuruga  is  an  im- 
portant port. 

These  two  passenger-ships,  and  innumerable  freight- 
steamers,  leave  this  port  each  week  for  Vladivostok. 
One  of  the  passenger-boats,  the  largest,  in  fact,  belongs 
to  the  Russian  volunteer  fleet;  all  others  are  Japanese. 
Ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  millions  of  yen 
worth  of  supplies  and  ammunition  have  been  shipped 
from  Tsuruga,  in  Japanese  bottoms,  to  the  terminus 
of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  on  Golden  Horn  Bay, 
and  to-day  there  are  other  millions  of  yen  worth  of 
products  awaiting  transportation.  Tsuruga  is  Japan's 
strategic  commercial  city  as  far  as  Siberia  is  concerned. 
It  is  the  "shipping  department"  of  Nipponese  indus- 
tries. 

Vladivostok  is  two  days  by  good  weather  from 
Tsuruga,  and  from  four  to  ten  when  a  typhoon  sweeps 
through  the  narrow  sea  which  separates  the  five  hun- 
dred and  eighty-one  islands  of  Japan  from  Asia.  I 
was  fortunate  the  day  I  crossed,  for  it  was  calm  and 
warm,  and  I  was  able  to  become  acquainted  with  sev- 
eral Japanese  merchants  who  were  en  route  to  Siberia 


FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK    13 

and  Manchuria  with  their  families.  One  of  these  was 
the  Siberian  manager  of  Mitsui  and  Company,  the 
largest  and  wealthiest  business  house  of  Japan,  which  is 
interested  in  almost  every  large  enterprise  in  the  Far 
East,  from  ship-building  to  mining  and  exporting  and 
importing.  He  was  a  graduate  of  Columbia  University, 
and  had  been  a  resident  of  New  York  and  Washington 
nineteen  years.  Through  him  I  met  other  Japanese 
commercial  agents  who  were  going  to  Russia  on  similar 
objects — to  see  to  the  expansion  of  Japanese  business, 
and  to  make  investigations  and  obtain  mining  and 
forestry  concessions.  During  the  two  days  we  were 
together,  I  saw  Siberia  through  Japanese  eyes,  and  I 
was  impressed  by  the  oft-repeated  statement: 

"In  Siberia,  Japan  and  United  States  must  work 
together.  That's  Mitsui's  idea;  Japanese  business  and 
American  business  must  co-operate.  We  must  not 
have  competition.  Competition  no  good  to  anybody. 
Competition  makes  trouble.  Co-operation  makes 
money  and  peace." 

A  Russian  professor  from  the  University  of  Khar- 
koff  was  sceptical  of  this  programme.  "The  economic 
history  of  the  world  shows  that  where  there  are  great 
commercially  imperialistic  nations  there  are  colonies 
which  are  weaker  nations,"  he  declared.  "Russia  for 
the  next  decade  will  be  a  colony  for  Japan,  the  United 
States,  England,  France,  and  Germany.  After  that 
Russia  as  a  colony  will  disappear,  because  these  na- 
tions will  fight  among  themselves  over  Russia,  and 
our  country  will  emerge  as  a  free  nation !" 

Before  I  stepped  from  the  Hozan  Maru  onto  the 
dock  of  Vladivostok,  this  city  had  been  temporarily 


14  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

abandoned  by  the  Bolsheviki.  As  an  outpost  it  was 
no  longer  important.  The  trail  which  had  followed 
the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  from  Moscow  and  Petro- 
grad  to  the  Amur  had  been  erased  from  the  map  by 
the  echelons  of  Czecho-Slovaks  and  a  few  Allied  sol- 
diers, but  the  trail-makers  of  Bolshevism,  although 
scattered,  were  still  present  in  that  country. 

That  phrase  which  is  so  common,  "this  is  a  small 
world  after  all,"  came  to  my  mind  when  I  was  greeted 
on  the  pier  by  Americans;  when  I  saw  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  waving  from  the  flag-pole  atop  the  headquarters 
of  the  American  Expeditionary  Force  in  Svetlanskaya 
No.  26.  Automobiles  manufactured  in  the  United 
States  were  in  use  by  all  nationalities.  "Yank"  sen- 
tries were  guarding  war-suppli  along  the  railroad- 
tracks.  "Amerikansky  wagons/  or  locomotives,  with 
steam  up,  were  in  the  railroad-yards.  The  armored 
cruiser  Brooklyn  was  anchored  along  a  temporary  dock, 
and  near  by  was  a  "hut"  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Out- 
wardly, Vladivostok  did  not  appear  much  different 
from  San  Francisco,  except  that  it  was  on  a  smaller 
scale. 

Such  were  the  first  impressions  after  five  weeks  of 
travel.  This  was  Vladivostok,  founded  when  President 
Lincoln  was  making  his  second  campaign  for  the  presi- 
dency. This  was  Siberia,  which  was  inhabited  by  Tar- 
tars as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century.  This  was  a  part 
of  the  old  Russian  Empire,  which  had  been  ruled  and 
misdirected  for  generations  by  autocrats.  This  was 
the  old  home  of  the  exiles,  of  politicians,  Jews,  revolu- 
tionists, and  democrats  banished  by  Nikolas  II  and 
his  predecessors. 


FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK     15 

From  this  base  of  Vladivostok,  one  of  the  few  open 
ports  of  all  Russia,  I  began  my  long  journey  north 
and  into  the  interior,  and  as  the  days  and  weeks  of 
travel  multiplied  I  was  impressed,  not  by  the  distance 
from  New  York,  but  by  the  vastness  of  the  country 
itself,  which  stretches  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Baltic 
Sea  over  a  continent  twice  as  broad  as  the  United 
States. 

Thus,  I  began  my  explorations  in  the  land  of  "Nit- 
ehevo,"  following  the  old  trails  and  crossing  the  new 
ones  of  the  Bolsheviki.  ?" 


CHAPTER  II 
IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO" 

RUSSIA,  as  a  nation  passing  through  the  period  of 
reconstruction,  is  a  "land  of  Nitchevo."  Arriving  in 
Siberia,  "Nitchevo"  is  the  first  Russian  word  the  for- 
eigner learns.  The  Russians  use  it  to  cover  a  multitude 
of  evasions  and  to  answer  a  thousand  and  one  ques- 
tions. "I  should  worry,"  or  "Nothing  matters,"  ex- 
presses the  national  state  of  mind.  Ask  a  droshky 
driver  what  he  thinks  of  Bolshevism  and  he  will  an- 
swer: "Nitchevo."  Question  a  poor  refugee  about 
conditions  and  the  reply  will  be  the  same.  Converse 
with  a  business  man  or  a  professor  who  has  been 
struggling  through  the  terrors  of  Russia's  civil  war, 
and  the  chances  are  he  will  say,  "Nitchevo."  There  is 
something  pathetic  and  discouraging  about  it.  The 
revolution  seems  to  have  produced  a  sort  of  national 
coma  where  those  who  have  suffered  and  hoped  for 
two  years  or  more  have  lost  confidence  in  everything. 

In  trailing  the  Bolsheviki  it  is  the  philosophy  of 
"Nitchevo"  which  impresses  one  as  much  as  the  lack 
of  definite  knowledge  regarding  the  doctrines  of  Bol- 
shevism and  its  workableness.  The  world  may  have 
been  a  stage  in  Shakespeare's  time,  but  it  is  not  now. 
To-day  it  is  a  kindergarten  where  all  the  inhabitants 
are  pupils  whom  the  statesmen  are  trying  to  frighten 
into  goodness  by  the  warning:  "The  Bolsheviki  will 
get  you  if  you  don't  watch  out!"  These  new  goblins 

16 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"         17 

of  politics  make  children  out  of  all  of  us  and  we  ask 
with  childish  fear  and  curiosity:  "What  are  the  Bol- 
sheviki?"  "Why  are  they?"  "What  are  they  for?" 
"Will  they  get  me?" 

The  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki  to-day  is  a  long  one,  a 
sort  of  political  caravan  route  winding  and  twisting 
over  the  map  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  the  United  States, 
upon  which  the  new  goblins  travel  spreading  their 
gospel  of  revolution  wherever  there  is  unrest,  discon- 
tent, dissatisfaction,  and  disappointment.  European 
Russia  is  a  net  of  roads  and  channels  of  thoughts  which 
the  Bolsheviki  control.  Germany  and  Austria  are  hi 
the  midst  of  civil  war  with  them.  Siberia  was  once 
in  their  hands  and  may  be  again.  India,  Egypt,  Ru- 
mania, and  the  Balkans  are  threatened.  In  Norway, 
Switzerland,  Sweden,  England,  Canada,  and  the  United 
States  the  Bolsheviki  are  propagandizing.  Bolshevik 
goblins  are  everywhere  and  every  one  asks:  "WTiat 
are  the  facts  about  the  Bolsheviki?" 

The  answer  is  simple  and  this  is  it: 

Thirty-six  years  ago,  in  1883,  scores  of  political  ref- 
ugees from  Russia  met  hi  Switzerland,  where  two 
years  later,  under  the  leadership  of  Plekhanow,  they 
formed  the  first  Social  Democratic  organization  for 
Russia,  which  was  called  the  "Emancipation  of  Labor." 
Meanwhile  the  Socialism  of  Karl  Marx  became  "legal" 
in  the  Tzar's  empire  and  Socialist  discussions  were 
permitted;  Socialist  newspapers  were  established  and 
Marxism  became  the  foremost  of  the  imports  into 
Russia  which  were  "Made  in  Germany." 

In  March,  1898,  a  congress  of  Socialists  met  in  the 
city  of  Minsk,  Russia,  and  the  Social  Democratic 


18  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Working  Men's  party  of  Russia  was  founded.  Accord- 
ing to  Professor  James  Mavor  there  were  three  groups 
represented  at  this  meeting: 

1.  A  group  for  the  emancipation  of  labor. 

2.  A  group  which  demanded  the  immediate  improve- 
ment of  the  conditions  of  every  working  man,  and 

3.  A  group  which  believed  in  "limited  centraliza- 
tion" of  labor  authority  in  which  the  mass  of  work- 
men should  have  no  control  of  the  party,  but  should 
be  "disciplined  by  continuous  agitation." 

The  leader  of  this  third  division  was  Nikolas  Lenin, 
the  present  premier  of  Bolshevist  Russia. 

In  1903,  Lenin,  being  unsuccessful  with  his  work 
in  Russia,  officially  launched  the  Bolshevist  party  in 
Stockholm.  Two  years  later,  during  the  great  strikes 
in  Russia  which  brought  about  the  revolution  of  1905, 
a  "Council  of  Working  Men's  Deputies"  was  formed 
in  Petrograd  with  the  demand  for  a  constitutional 
assembly.  "At  that  time,"  says  Professor  Mavor, 
"there  was  the  Mensheviki,  the  minority  faction  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Darty,  and  a  Bolsheviki,  or  ma- 
jority faction." 

Thus  after  twelve  years  of  agitation  the  Bolshevist 
movement  attained  the  dignity  of  a  "faction"  of  Rus- 
sian Social  Democracy  with  Lenin  the  avowed  and 
'  recognized  leader.  The  name  given  to  this  faction 
was  Russian,  being  derived  from  the  word  meaning 
majority.  The  Bolshevists  were  known  as  the  section 
of  the  party  which  demanded  the  extreme  measures  to 
obtain  the  majority  or  major  portion  of  the  Socialist 
demands.  The  Menshevists  and  Bolshevists  both 
believed  in  a  revolution  in  Russia,  but  the  latter  be- 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        19 

lieved  in  a  continuous  revolution  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  labor  " general  staff"  and  a  labor  army. 

The  Tzar  was  never  really  successful  in  his  fight 
with  the  Bolsheviki,  for  the  number  of  followers  con- 
tinued to  increase  both  within  and  outside  of  Russia. 
Lenin  remained  the  champion  of  uncompromising 
action  while  Trotsky,  another  Social  Democrat,  and 
the  present  Bolshevist  minister  of  war,  devoted  his 
efforts,  by  speaking  and  writing,  toward  the  uniting 
of  the  Menshevists  and  Bolshevists. 

In  1917,  after  the  first  revolution  in  Russia,  which 
overthrew  the  Tzar  and  established  the  provisional 
governments,  the  Bolsheviki  came  into  power,  domi- 
nated Russia  from  Poland  to  Vladivostok,  and  made 
peace  with  Germany  at  Brest-Litovsk. 

Such  was  the  birth  and  growth  of  Russian  Bolshev- 
ism; Bolshevism  which  Trotsky  defined  as  a  pro- 
gramme for  the  establishment  of  an  industrial  democ- 
racy. But  throughout  this  period  the  Bolsheviki  were 
concerned,  not  with  the  establishment  of  a  socialistic 
state  but  with  the  revolutionizing  of  a  nation.  The 
theories  and  ideas  of  the  new  party  were  secondary. 
The  primary  object  was  to  overthrow  the  existing  gov- 
ernment, industry,  and  society  and  the  establishment 
of  a  proletariat  state  where  labor  was  to  be  supreme, 
and  where  only  those  who  did  manual  labor  were  to 
be  recognized  as  laborers.  Fundamentally  and  es- 
sentially Bolshevism  was  a  programme  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  civilization  as  it  was  known  in  Russia*  where 

*The  lext  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated 
Soviet  Republic,  adopted  July  10, 1918,  is  represented  in  the  Appendix, 
page  281. 


20  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

there  was  an  autocratic  government;  where  labor 
had  no  rights;  where  there  were  religious  persecu- 
tions and  pogroms  and  where  there  was  neither  a  local 
nor  a  national  representative  assembly.  Conditions 
in  Russia  were  at  that  time  entirely  different  from 
what  they  are  to-day  in  the  United  States,  and  for 
this  reason  the  Bolshevist  demand  for  a  "constitu- 
tional assembly"  and  "land  and  freedom"  seized  the 
thoughts  and  fired  the  imagination  of  the  Deasants 
and  workers. 

These  are  the  historic  facts  about  Bolsehvism  and 
some  of  the  theories  or  "ideals',"  but  between  the  ideal- 
istic and  practical  state  there  is  always  a  gulf  which 
must  be  bridged.  What  did  the  Bolsheviki  do  when 
they  had  the  machinery  of  government  and  industry 
in  their  hands  and  the  physical  power  of  the  mass  be- 
hind them? 

The  facts  which  I  shall  give  about  the  actual  work- 
manship of  Bolshevism  will  be  only  those  I  observed 
personally  in  Siberia  or  those  from  disinterested  wit- 
nesses such  as  representatives  of  the  Russian  Co-opera- 
tive Union — that  extensive  organization  of  20,000,000 
Russians  whose  chief  concern  is  business  and  educa- 
tion, not  politics. 

Bolshevism,  considered  as  a  practical  programme, 
may  be  divided  into  three  sections:  (1)  Politics;  (2) 
industry  and  mines;  (3)  land  distribution. 

Without  considering  the  methods  which  the  Bol- 
shevists used  to  obtain  control  of  the  government, 
for  their  means  were  revolutionary,  and  all  political 
revolutions  are  alike,  the  facts  are  known  about  what 
they  did  after  they  came  into  political  power.  Almost 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        21 

their  first  act  was  to  abolish  the  constituent  assembly, 
and  since  they  have  been  in  control  of  Moscow  and 
Petrograd  and  all  of  central  Russia  they  have  not 
called  for  another  national  election.  The  " demand" 
which  they  incorporated  in  their  programme  before 
the  revolution  for  a  "constitutional  assembly"  has 
been  forgotten,  or  they  have  changed  their  ideas  and 
no  longer  believe  in  such  a  congress,  being  satisfied 
for  the  present  with  the  "authority"  which  they  re- 
ceive from  the  local  councils  or  Soviets.  But  they 
have  not  held  elections  for  the  councils.  There  has*' 
been  no  free,  secret  balloting  by  all  citizens,  only  closed 
elections  by  working  men.  In  politics  the  Bolsheviki 
have  changed  the  methods  of  elections  from  universal 
suffrage  to  working-class  suffrage  only.  They  have 
not  considered  that  all  classes  have  a  right  to  vote. 
They  have  opposed  the  right  of  representative  govern- 
ment and  substituted  a  class  government,  the  very 
thing  they  condemned  under  the  former  Russian 
regime.  The  Bolshevist  constitution  explicitly  ex- 
cludes six  classes  of  citizens  from  voting  or  participat- 
ing in  politics. 

The  second  move  of  the  Bolsheviki  was  to  organize 
an  army.  This  was  in  keeping  with  Article  One,  Chap* 
ter  Two,  Section  "G"  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Fed- 
erated Soviet  Republic  which  declares: 

"For  the  purpose  of  securing  the  working  class  in 
the  possession  of  the  complete  power,  and  in  order 
to  eliminate  all  possibility  of  restoring  the  power  of 
the  exploiters,  it  is  decreed  that  all  toilers  be  armed, 
and  that  a  Socialist  Red  army  be  organized  and  the 
propertied  class  be  disarmed." 


22  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

And,  a  "Red  army"  was  formed  to  maintain  the 
Bolshevist  government  and  their  leaders  in  power  in 
Russia,  but  the  attitude  of  these  leaders  toward  an- 
other revolutionary  army  was  illustrated  by  the  nego- 
tiations between  the  Czecho-Slovak  National  Council, 
and  the  Soviets  of  Russia  during  the  summer  of  1918. 
The  Bolsheviki  gave  a  written  promise  that  their 
"comrades"  from  the  former  Dual  Monarchy,  could 
leave  Russia  via  Vladivostok  for  France.  That  was 
when  50,000  Czecho-Slovaks  were  mobilized  on  the 
Dnieper  River.  After  they  started  across  the  coun- 
try, in  small  units,  the  Soviet  attacked  them!  (In 
the  chapter,  "At  Czecho-Slovac  Headquarters,"  I  have 
given  all  the  details  of  the  negotiations.) 

This  reference  to  the  attitude  of  the  Bolshevist  army 
toward  the  Czechs,  is  made  here  to  show  the  attitude 
of  the  "Reds"  toward  "fellow  revolutionists"  in  Rus- 
sia! 

Considered  from  the  standpoint  of  politics  and  army 
policies  the  Bolsheviki  abolished  the  national  assembly 
and  never  held  another  national  election,  and  after 
making  an  agreement  with  the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons 
they  broke  it.  These  are  the  outstanding  facts  re- 
garding the  political  aspects  of  Bolshevism.  Bolshev- 
ism is  revolutionary  and  so  are  its  "treaties" ! 

Without  having  travelled  across  Siberia  and  several 
hundred  miles  into  European  Russia,  I  might  have 
known  something  of  the  chaos  which  Bolshevism 
brought  to  the  industries,  but  it's  one  thing  to  see  a 
"dead  nation"  and  another  to  picture  it  in  one's  mind. 
That  great  organism  which  we  call  "business"  in  this 
country,  existed  in  Russia  before  the  war  and  the 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"         23 

revolution  on  a  smaller  and  less  intricate  scale.  There 
was  a  business  life  which  affected  every  citizen,  peasant, 
or  factory  employee.  It  was  made  up  of  a  thousand 
and  one  arteries,  veins,  branches,  and  subdivisions 
which  the  people  as  a  whole  did  not  realize,  just  as 
we  probably  seldom  think  of  the  millions  of  factors 
which  are  linked  together  in  our  national  business 
life. 

When  the  Bolsheviki  came  into  power  they  inherited 
what  was  left  of  this  organism  after  it  had  been  mis- 
managed and  damaged  by  the  military  autocracy  of 
the  Tzar.  They  probably  received  not  much  more 
than  a  skeleton  of  the  "  business  life" — the  skeleton 
of  factory  buildings,  railroads,  depots,  freight  and  pas- 
senger-cars, bank  and  office  buildings,  hotels,  schools, 
and  churches,  but  after  they  obtained  control  they 
decreed  that  all  this  belonged  to  the  working  men. 
That  was  the  fundamental  principle  of  Bolshevism. 
It  was  a  political  programme  for  the  establishment 
of  an  industrial  democracy.  Here  at  last  the  dream 
was  realized.  Every  working  man  was  the  owner  and 
director  of  the  factory,  store,  shop,  or  hotel  where  he 
had  been  or  wanted  to  be  employed.  But  what  they 
had  was  only  a  skeleton  which  needed  life.  The  build- 
ings were  of  no  use  to  the  men  or  women  unless  there 
was  work,  unless  they  had  some  income  either  in  money 
or  food  and  clothing.  The  Bolsheviki  tried  to  give 
the  industries  new  life.  They  ran  them  on  the  new 
plan  of  four  or  six  hours'  labor  per  day,  increased  wages, 
but  they  found  that  factories  were  dependent  upon 
outside  sources  for  raw  materials,  and  when  the  raw 
materials  on  hand  were  exhausted  the  Soviet  govern- 


24  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ment  had  to  close  the  factories  until  raw  materials 
could  be  obtained. 

One  example  will  serve  as  an  illustration  of  what 
happened.  In  Moscow  there  are  several  great  cotton 
manufacturing  shops.  The  Bolsheviki  decreed  that 
these  belonged  to  the  working  people,  but  after  a  few 
days  of  reckless  management  the  supply  of  cotton  was 
exhausted  and  the  factories  were  shut  down.  The 
Bolsheviki  local  Soviet  sent  a  purchasing  commission 
of  Bolshevist  working  men  to  the  cotton-producing 
states  of  Russia  to  buy  cotton  from  the  Bolshevist 
cotton-planters.  These  cotton  plantations  had  been 
socialized  and  each  one  belonged  to  the  employees. 

The  Bolshevist  factory  men  and  Bolshevist  cotton- 
growers  met  to  discuss  the  arrangements  for  shipping 
cotton  to  Moscow.  The  cotton-growers  asked  the 
Moscow  representatives  what  they  would  pay  for 
cotton.  The  price  was  very  much  less  than  the  cotton- 
growers  could  get  in  other  markets,  and  they  refused 
to  sell.  The  Moscow  laborers  asked  them  if  they  did 
not  believe  in  an  industrial  democracy.  They  cer- 
tainly did,  the  cotton  men  answered,  but  cotton  could 
not  be  sold  at  the  low  price  which  the  Moscow  Bol- 
shevists offered. 

The  result  was  that  the  Bolshevist  commissars  could 
not  buy  the  raw  material  which  they  needed  for  the 
factories  so  they  appealed  to  the  local  Soviet,  but  the 
local  council  replied  that  it  could  not  interfere  with 
the  rights  of  the  local  Bolsheviki. 

At  this  point  in  the  " negotiations"  the  Moscow 
buyers  called  upon  the  local  representatives  of  the 
Russian  Co-operative  Union,  which  had  been  buying 
cotton  from  the  Co-operatives  who  were  members  of 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        25 

the  union,  and  selling  it  to  other  members,  in  Moscow 
and  Lodz.  The  union  could  not  buy  for  the  Bolshevist 
government,  however,  because  it  recognized  no  govern- 
ment, and  the  Bolsheviki  Soviet  put  the  union  men  in 
prison,  from  which  they  were  released  afterward  after 
pressure  had  been  brought  to  bear  upon  the  people's 
commissars  in  Moscow. 

The  final  outcome  of  this  practical  demonstration 
of  the  inability  of  a  Bolshevist  industrial  democracy 
to  functionate  was  that  the  central  Bolshevist  author- 
ity in  Moscow,  represented  by  a  bureau  of  business, 
asked  the  Co-operative  Union  to  buy,  ship,  and  sell 
the  raw  materials  which  were  needed  to  give  "life" 
to  the  new  industrial  nation. 

Whatever  " economic  life"  there  is  in  European 
Russia  to-day,  is  due  not  to  the  Bolsheviki,  but  to  the 
Russian  Co-operative  Unions,  but  these  unions  are 
confronted  with  the  problems  of  transportation  be- 
cause the  railroads,  too,  are  owned  by  the  employees 
and  they  work,  not  for  the  general  good  of  the  com- 
munity and  the  nation,  but  only  for  their  own  pleasure. 
In  the  meantime  the  factories  remain  closed;  the 
workers  who  own  them  have  no  work.  There  is  more 
forced  idleness  in  Russia  to-day  than  ever  in  the  his- 
tory of  that  country. 

This  same  condition  prevails  as  to  food.  The  peas- 
ants do  not  bring  food  to  the  cities.  Those  who  are 
Bolshevists  sell  only  what  they  want,  and  those  who 
are  not  followers  of  the  Soviet  "democracy"  feed  them- 
selves and  wait  for  better  times.  The  working  man 
who  cannot  raise  his  own  food  and  work  at  the  same 
time,  starves. 

These  are  some  of  the  facts  regarding  industrial 


26  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Bolshevism  in  Russia.  In  Siberia  the  conditions  are 
similar  because  none  of  the  governments  so  far  organ- 
ized in  that  country  have  been  able  to  rebuild,  recon- 
struct, or  renew  the  industrial  life  of  the  country  after 
the  destruction  of  the  Bolsheviki  when  they  were  in 
power,  for,  it  is  a  curious  development,  of  extreme  So- 
cialism, that  that  which  the  workers  could  not  use, 
either  because  of  a  lack  of  ability  or  desire,  they  de- 
stroyed. I  recall  meeting  the  manager  of  a  gold-mine 
near  Ekaterinburg,  an  American  who  had  lived  at 
the  mine  nin.e  years  representing  the  foreigners  who 
had  bought  and  developed  it.  When  the  Bolsheviki 
controlled  the  local  Soviet,  they  decreed  him  out  of 
office,  and  decreed  the  mine  the  property  of  the  miners. 
They  were  suddenly  the  owners  of  the  gold-mine. 
Then*  dreams  were  realized.  They  were  no  longer 
laborers;  they  were  owners ! 

One  might  have  thought  that  workers  suddenly 
made  joint  owners  of  a  rich  mine  would  have  organ- 
ized and  developed  it,  but  they  didn't.  The  mine  was 
their  property.  That  satisfied  them,  but  the  machin- 
ery was  made  in  France  and  was,  therefore,  a  sym- 
bol of  capitalism,  so  they  destroyed  all  the  machines — 
machines  which  had  been  manufactured  and  brought 
to  these  shafts  at  an  expense  of  1,400,000  francs.  Then 
they  began  working  the  mines  in  the  most  primitive 
fashion  until  the  labor  became  too  difficult,  and  one 
after  another  the  miners  drifted  away ! 

Industrially,  Bolshevism  destroyed  that  spark  of 
life  which  makes  business  not  only  a  means  of  em- 
ployment but  of  livelihood. 

For  more  than  ten  years  Trotsky  had  been  cam- 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        27 

paigning  in  the  Russian  revolutionary  newspapers  in 
this  country  and  abroad  for  the  establishment  of  a 
Bolshevist  state,  and  in  nearly  every  leading  article 
he  stated  that  a  revolution  in  Russia  could  never 
be  a  permanent  success  without  the  support  of  the 
peasants.  To  win  them  he  added  coals  to  the  revo- 
lutionary fires  labelled  "Land  and  Freedom."  But 
the  first  revolution  guaranteed  the  peasants  free  land, 
and  this  battle-cry  of  Bolshevism  fell  on  fallow  soil. 
To-day  the  peasants  do  not  have  confidence  in  the 
Bolsheviki,  because  many  of  the  local  Soviets  have 
decreed  that  any  one  owning  property  before  the  coun- 
ter-revolution, or  Bolshevist  revolution,  is  a  member 
of  the  old  class  system  and,  therefore,  not  a  proletariat ! 
Time  after  time  in  Siberia  I  met  peasants  in  the  market- 
places who  had  fled  from  European  Russia  because 
their  small  farms  had  been  confiscated  by  the  Bol- 
sheviki on  the  ground  that  if  they  had  been  property 
owners  they  could  not  be  recognized  as  having  the 
right  to  hold  property  under  the  new  regime ! 

These  are  some  of  the  uncolored  facts  about  the 
way  Bolshevism  has  worked  in  Russia.  There  are 
to-day  no  indications  of  a  representative  government; 
Up  indications  of  a  new  economic  system  which  is  better 
or  as  good  as  the  one  now  existing  in  the  world.  No- 
where can  one  find  evidence  in  Russia  that  Bolshevism 
has  solved  the  "industrial  problems"  or  the  problems 
of  the  working  men.  If  Bolshevism  was  intended  to 
be  the  creation  of  a  new  business  life  for  the  world 
it  has  failed  in  Russia.  If  Lenin  expected  it  to  be  the 
beginning  of  a  new  social  order  in  which  the  working 
people  predominate  he  has  succeeded,  but  at  the  fright- 


28  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ful  cost  of  universal  chaos,  individual  suffering,  na- 
tion-wide misery,  and  unemployment.  Bolshevism  has 
brought  about  a  new  order  in  Russia  but  the  new  na- 
tion is  without  life.  In  Siberia,  as  in  Russia,  the  nation 
is  dead. 

With  Russia  passing  through  the  pangs  of  still-birth, 
agitation  grows  throughout  Asia,  Europe,  and  the 
Americas  for  the  application  of  Bolshevism  to  all  na- 
tions, with  the  idea  that  if  the  present  civilization  of 
the  world  is  completely  destroyed  and  the  existing  so- 
ciety revolutionized  the  Bolsheviki  of  the  world  can 
rebuild  it  upon  a  new  model.  Grimm  in  Switzerland, 
the  followers  of  Liebnecht  in  Germany,  others  in  Eng- 
land and  America  are  seeking  to  link  sentiments  with 
Lenin,  with  the  international  object  of  forming  a  World 
Union  of  Soviets  to  Russianize  the  universe.  Hence 
the  bogy  story  which  appears  ever  so  often  in  the 
press:  "The  Bolsheviki  will  get  you  if  you  don't  watch 
out!"  The  new  goblins  have  left  Russia  and  are  on 
the  war-path  (with  propaganda),  and  Bolshevism  be- 
comes not  a  Russian  issue  alone  but  a  world  political 
and  industrial  problem.  Lenin's  object  at  the  Minsk 
congress  was  to  bolshevik  Russia.  To-day  he  seeks  to 
bolshevik  the  world. 

Within  thirty-six  years  Bolshevism  has  grown  from 
a  local  Russian  idealistic  programme  to  a  world-wide 
revolutionary  programme.  This  is  the  fact.  What 
are  the  reasons  ? 

Those  conditions  which  caused  Bolshevism  in  Rus- 
sia a  decade  ago  did  not  exist  in  the  United  States  or 
Europe.  England,  France,  Switzerland,  the  United 
States,  Germany,  Holland,  Denmark,  and  other  coun- 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        29 

tries  had  parliaments  and  congresses  of  one  kind  or 
another.  There  was  a  semblance,  at  least,  of  democ- 
racy and  representative  government  in  several  of  these 
nations.  In  all  of  these  countries  any  one  could  own 
land  or  property.  There  were  no  religious  restrictions; 
no  pogroms  outside  of  the  Pale.  There  was  no  social- 
caste  system  in  America.  One  man  was  as  good  as 
another  before  the  law  or  the  government. 

This  was  not  true  in  Russia.  The  abolition  of  serf- 
dom hi  1861  had  not  satisfied  the  peasants.  The  Tzar 
had  not  recognized  the  rights  of  equal  suffrage.  Fac- 
tory employees  were  industrial  slaves.  Education  was 
restricted.  Religion  was  not  free.  The  minds  of  the 
Russian  people  were  in  bondage  and  their  bodies  were 
servants  of  autocratic  politicians  and  factory  owners. 
Under  these  conditions  one  can  understand  why  a 
revolution  in  that  country  might  not  swing  the  pen- 
dulum of  life  from  one  extreme  to  another.  But  a 
revolution  is  certain  to  have  that  result,  because  a  revo- 
lution, too,  is  abnormal,  and  not  until  the  pendulum 
swings  backward  and  forward  over  an  arc  to  bridge 
the  two  extremes — not  until  then  are  the  conditions 
normal.  It  is  the  gravity  of  business  which  makes 
the  pendulum  move,  which  in  turn  gives  life  to  civiliza- 
tion, and  ticks  off  the  hours  and  days  of  progress.  Re- 
action and  revolution  are  extremes  which  retard  ad- 
vancement. 

Considering  the  conditions  which  produced  the 
revolution  and  Bolshevism  hi  Russia  it  may,  at  first, 
seem  strange  that  Bolshevism  should  spread  in  other 
countries  where  the  conditions  on  the  surface  are  not 
at  all  similar.  But  there  are  underlying  causes  of  this 


30  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

new  movement  which  account  for  its  sudden  and  ex- 
tensive spread.  Bolshevism  has  become  very  elastic. 
The  Bolshevism  we  speak  of  to-day  is  not  at  all  the 
same  as  that  which  was  introduced  hi  Russia  nearly 
two  years  ago.  Bolshevism  of  to-day  has  been  tem- 
pered, but  only  slightly,  by  the  mistakes  and  absurdi- 
ties of  the  doctrine,  and  those  who  are  advocating 
Bolshevism  in  other  nations,  especially  the  United 
States,  are  Bolshevist  brothers  of  the  Russian  Bol- 
shevists only  as  far  as  a  revolution  is  concerned. 

The  causes  of  the  Bolshevist  movement  in  this  coun- 
try and  abroad  are  threefold:  (1)  The  difficulties  con- 
fronting a  nation  during  the  transition  period  from 
war  to  peace  conditions;  (2)  general  industrial  dis- 
content and  dissatisfaction  kept  alive  and  aggravated 
by  propaganda,  and  (3)  social  unrest  and  injustice. 

In  the  United  States  we  do  a  great  deal  of  loose  talk- 
ing. It  is  a  part  of  our  democracy.  We  juggle  opinions 
and  ideas,  new  and  old  theories,  like  the  circus  clown, 
and  if  one  of  them  fall  upon  our  feet  we  hop  around 
with  a  wry  face  for  a  few  moments  and  then  forget 
about  the  pain.  At  present  we  are  jabbering  and  jug- 
gling Bolshevism  because  it  is  a  fad,  or  because  it  is 
new,  or  because  it  may  be  some  industrial  goblin.  Some 
good  Americans  are  getting  bolsheviked  themselves 
without  knowing  it,  and  others  are  adopting  Bolshevism 
because  they  think  it  is  the  end  of  all  trouble  and  dissat- 
isfaction. A  few,  and  only  a  very  few,  are  Bolshevists 
because  they  believe  in  its  theories,  but  those  who  have 
seen  the  theories  fail  in  Russia  are  not  tempted. 

Bolshevism  is  a  fad  of  gossip  in  the  United  States 
while  in  Russia  it  is  a  tragedy.  No  one  who  has  seen 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        31 

any  part  of  Russia  since  the  revolution  which  over- 
threw the  provisional  government  would  desire  to 
see  the  same  torch  applied  to  every  other  nation  in 
the  world.  And  still  Bolshevism  is  openly  talked  about 
as  an  "  international  doctrine."  What  are  the  reasons 
for  this  success  of  Bolshevist  propaganda?  Why  are 
we  told  that  unless  there  is  a  League  of  Nations  formed 
by  governments  there  will  be  a  Union  of  Soviets  formed 
by  the  people?  Why  have  the  Bolshevists  remained 
in  control  of  Petrograd  and  Moscow,  if  their  programme 
is  a  failure?  How  has  it  been  possible  for  the  Bol- 
shevists to  hold  out  after  the  defeat  of  Germany,  and 
after  the  Allies  intervened  in  Siberia  and  Archangel? 

These  questions  are  not  confined  to  those  who  be- 
lieve in  Bolshevism,  but  are  asked  by  intelligent  Amer- 
icans who  are  in  this  kindergarten  of  the  New  World, 
but  even  these  questions  are  readily  answered. 

The  reasons  for  the  success  of  various  kinds  of  Bol- 
shevist propaganda  are  that  the  word  Bolshevism  is 
used  in  the  United  States  and  Europe  not  only  to  name 
a  political  and  industrial  programme,  but  as  a  descrip- 
tion of  dissatisfaction  and  discontent.  Almost  any 
one  who  complains  against  the  existing  order  is  a  Bol- 
shevik. We  are  using  the  word  more  dangerously 
and  ruthlessly  than  the  Russians.  Every  one  who 
wanted  a  radical  change  in  Russia  from  the  disorder 
and  oppression  of  the  Tzar  was  not  a  Bolshevist.  A 
Bolshevist  in  Russia  was  only  a  man  who  believed  in 
a  continuous  revolution;  who  disbelieved  in  repre- 
sentative government,  and  desired  all  authority  placed 
in  the  hands  of  labor  leaders.  Obviously  most  of  those 
whom  we  term  Bolshevists  in  the  United  States  are 


32  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

not  Bolshevists  at  all.  They  are  simply  human  beings 
who  criticise  present  conditions  and  who  expect  and 
demand  adjustments. 

Bolshevism  has  'capitalized  upon  the  world's  dis- 
content with  the  object  of  making  every  one  who  de- 
sires readjustments  and  changes  a  Bolshevist.  So  we 
are  informed  by  the  wise  statesmen  of  Europe  that 
unless  there  is  a  League  of  Nations  there  will  be  a  Union 
of  Bolshevists.  What  they  mean  is  that  when  govern- 
ments fail  nationally  Bolshevism  succeeds,  and  that 
if  the  governments  of  the  world  fail  in  uniting  upon 
a  world  constructive  peace  programme,  then  the  Bol- 
shevists will  attempt  to  unite  Soviets  upon  such  a 
plan.  Bolshevism  succeeds  only  when  governments 
fail.  Bolshevism  can  never  succeed  as  an  industrial 
programme  unless  those  who  direct  our  industries 
fail. 

It  will  soon  be  two  years  since  the  Bolshevist  coup 
d'etat  in  European  Russia.  If  Bolshevism  is  a  failure, 
I  am  asked,  how  do  you  account  for  the  continued 
presence  of  Lenin  and  Trotsky  in  Moscow? 

There  are  two  chief  reasons:  1.  The  Bolshevist 
faction  of  Russia  is  comparatively  united  while  every 
other  political  party  is  divided  and  none  of  the  polit- 
ical parties  will  unite  upon  a  common  programme. 
The  former  leaders  of  Russia  have  left  the  country. 
They  are  in  Paris,  London,  Tokyo,  Washington,  New 
York,  Switzerland,  and  Spain.  They  have  abandoned 
Russia  to  the  Bolsheviki.  2.  There  is  a  government  in 
Omsk  directed  by  Admiral  Koltshak,  but  he  does  not 
have  the  confidence  of  many  Russians.  General  Dene- 
kin  is  in  South  Russia,  but  his  support  is  limited  almost 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        33 

wholly  to  the  Cossacks  and  the  Monarchists.  My  own 
opinion  is,  after  travelling  in  both  Europe  and  Asia 
since  the  first  revolution  in  Russia,  that  at  least 
seventy-five  per  cent  of  the  people  are,  or  would  be, 
against  the  Bolsheviki  if  there  were  an  election  held 
where  every  one  could  vote,  but  this  three-fourths 
majority  to-day  is  not  united. 

I  find  many  persons  thinking  that  "there  must  be 
something  to  Bolshevism  if  it  can  defy  the  Allies  longer 
than  Germany." 

Considering  all  the  public  promises  the  Allies  have 
made  to  Russia,  and  the  public  expectations  of  mili- 
tary action,  one  might  conclude  that  the  Allies  had 
really  been  fighting  the  Bolsheviki.  But  this  is  not 
true.  The  Allies  have  never  been  able  to  unite  definitely 
upon  a  Russian  programme.  The  Allies  were  not  united 
in  Siberia,  and  they  did  not  land  a  sufficient  number 
of  troops  to  be  able  to  take  any  effective  military  ac- 
tion against  the  Bolsheviki.  The  English  and  French 
sent  small  forces,  not  more  than  a  thousand  men,  to 
Omsk  and  Ekaterinburg,  but  they  did  not  take  part 
in  the  fighting  against  the  Red  army  on  the  Urals. 
At  Archangel  the  Allied  force  has  been  very  small,  and 
there  has  been  no  real  campaign  against  Trotsky's 
army.  As  a  matter  of  record  and  fact  the  Allies  at 
no  time  have  really  effectively  and  unitedly  opposed 
Bolshevism  in  Russia. 

Throughout  the  world  to-day  there  is  revolutionary 
unrest.  It  is  discernible  everywhere,  but  this  is  not 
due  to  the  propaganda  of  Bolshevism,  but  rather  to 
the  awakening  of  a  new  mass  consciousness.  This 
war  has  been  fought  by  all  classes  and  types  of  men 


34  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

and  backed  by  every  class  of  women.  As  a  result  of 
the  four  years  of  suffering,  tension,  discussion,  debate, 
disagreement,  and  disillusionment  the  great  body  of 
humanity  all  over  the  world  has  come  to  the  common 
conclusion  that  the  New  World  must  be  different  from 
the  old.  The  mass  mind  has  not  developed  the  idea 
much  further.  Their  programme  is  unformulated. 
The  mass  demands  a  better  world.  Humanity  de- 
mands changes  and  readjustments.  The  people  believe 
that  as  a  result  of  their  fighting  and  sacrifices  there 
must  be  new  world  standards. 

This  is  not  a  thing  about  which  there  is  any  dis- 
agreement. Every  one  whose  finger  is  on  the  pulse 
of  mankind  feels  it.  But  the  Bolsheviki  appear  and 
claim  that  their  programme  of  revolution  and  destruc- 
tion is  the  only  real  reconstruction  platform.  They 
do  not  point  to  Russia  and  say:  "See  this  is  what 
Bolshevism  will  do  for  the  whole  world."  They  know 
their  example  in  Russia  will  not  appeal  to  the  people 
outside  that  country.  But  they  are  wise  in  deceit. 
They  are  the  only  ones,  they  tell  the  war-weary  public, 
who  can  make  the  future  world  a  new  world.  They 
are  half  right.  They  can  remake  the  world,  but  when 
they  finish  it  will  require  generation  after  generation 
to  bring  the  world  ahead  to  what  every  one  would 
consider  an  advance  in  civilization  and  life. 

The  world  is,  indeed,  in  the  midst  of  a  universal 
revolution  which  is  developing  in  two  ways.  Revolu- 
tions may  be  of  opinion  or  of  action.  The  Bolshevist 
method  is  action.  The  method  of  representative  gov- 
ernments and  progressive  industries  is  opinion. 

Outside  of  Russia  and  a  few  countries  in  central 


IN  THE  LAND  OF  "NITCHEVO"        35 

Europe  I  do  not  anticipate  a  revolution  of  action,  but 
in  every  other  country  a  revolution  of  opinion  and 
readjustment  is  inevitable.  The  one  will  lead  to 
anarchy,  chaos,  and  suffering,  and  follow  the  general 
lines  of  the  Russian  revolution,  while  the  other  will 
bring  about  rapid  and  radical  readjustments  hi  in- 
dustry and  politics,  and  start  the  pendulum  of  peace 
over  the  arc  of  time  and  progress. 

You  may  recall  when  you  were  a  child  how  you  were 
frightened  by  goblins.  The  mere  warning  that  "the 
goblins  will  get  you  if  you  don't  watch  out"  was  suf- 
ficient, but  as  soon  as  you  were  told  the  whys  and 
wherefores  of  gnomes  you  ceased  to  fear  them  and 
they  became  only  a  passing  fantasy  of  childhood. 

This  may  be  true  of  the  new  goblins,  too.  Attempts 
have  been  made  to  frighten  the  world  into  goodness 
by  the  warning,  "the  Bolsheviki  will  get  you  if  you 
don't  watch  out,"  but  the  world  is  wise  and  inquisitive, 
wiser,  indeed,  than  Russia  was  in  November,  1917. 
And,  as  the  facts  become  known,  the  people  of  demo- 
cratic countries  will  cease  to  fear  the  morrow.  The 
new  goblins  will  become  passing  fantasies  of  this  transi- 
tion period  from  war  to  peace  conditions  unless  the 
people  of  the  world  reach  that  dangerous  and  care- 
free state  of  Siberia,  represented  by  the  word  "Nit- 
chevo." 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES 

ABOUT  half-way  between  Petrograd  and  Vladivos- 
tok, on  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway,  lies  the  city  of 
Omsk,  white  with  its  winter  cloak  of  snow  and  black 
with  throngs  of  people.  Typical  of  all  cities  and  towns 
in  Asiatic  Russia  to-day,  it  is  a  community  of  contrasts 
and  extremes;  of  homes  and  hovels;  diamonds  and 
rags.  Misery  is  so  universal  it  has  lost  its  sting,  and 
what  happiness  there  is  is  found  in  the  bottom  of  the 
vodka  jug.  Like  Irkutsk,  Tomsk,  Tchita,  Ekaterin- 
burg— where  the  Tzar  Nikolas  the  Second  was  reported 
killed — and  Vladivostok,  Omsk  is  a  city  in  black  and 
white;  black  and  white  on  the  outside,  but  red  under- 
neath— red  with  fear  and  suffering. 

Through  Siberia  I  trekked  and  travelled,  in,  about, 
and  out  of  these  living  cities  of  silent  masses  during 
the  winter  of  1918-19.  For  two  months  I  lived  in 
the  railway-cars — sometimes  in  the  freight-yards  where 
thousands  of  Russians  had  their  only  homes  in  near-by 
box-cars.  For  three  weeks,  while  journeying  from 
Ekaterinburg  to  Harbin,  Manchuria,  I  did  my  own 
cooking,  buying  my  supplies  at  the  markets  and  stalls 
with  the  refugees.  I  went  to  theatres  and  churches. 
I  explored  the  caves  where  the  poorest  live.  Into  the 
banks,  the  shops,  and  government  buildings;  through 
the  public  baths  and  filthy,  overcrowded  depots,  the 

36 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  37 

huts  and  the  palaces  I  went,  exploring  city  after  city. 
Everywhere  there  were  the  same  three  colors,  the  black 
and  white  and  the  red.  Each  city  was  the  same,  from 
the  Pacific  to  the  Ural  Mountains,  each  a  human 
volcano  where  the  exterior  camouflaged  but  did  not 
hide  what  was  within. 

Travelling  in  Siberia  to-day  is  a  task  for  Trojans, 
and  most  Russians  are  equal  to  it.  Judging  by  the 
crowds  at  every  railroad  depot  and  the  millions  of 
human  beings  who  live,  day  in  and  week  out,  in  pas- 
senger and  freight  cars,  one  would  think  the  popula- 
tion of  that  vast  country  was  housed  entirely  on  wheels, 
or  that  it  was  the  supreme  desire  of  every  one  to  travel, 
despite  the  discomforts  and  inconveniences.  In  this 
respect,  as  in  many  others,  Russia  is  on  the  move, 
seeking  happiness  which  always  exists  at  the  end  of 
the  rainbow.  Every  tram  which  departs  from  Vladi- 
vostok for  the  Amur  or  the  interior  of  Manchhria  or 
Siberia,  every  post,  passenger,  and  goods  train  which 
leaves  Omsk  for  Irkutsk,  is  packed  with  refugees.  Ev- 
ery coach  and  every  box-car  is  so  overcrowded  with 
men,  women,  and  children,  all  of  them  standing,  for 
there  is  no  room  for  any  one  to  sit  down,  that  it  is  fre- 
quently impossible  for  the  guards  to  close  the  doors. 
Even  in  mid-winter,  when  it  is  thirty  and  forty  degrees 
below  zero,  people  stand  on  the  platforms  and  steps, 
wrapped  in  their  heavy  fur-coats.  If  the  journey  is  a 
short  one  they  survive;  if  a  long  one  some  may  freeze 
to  death  and  drop  off,  but  no  one  worries  about  death. 
It  is  too  common  to  excite  worry,  and  it  always  makes 
room  for  the  rest.  I  have  seen  people  so  crowded  in 
freight-cars  that  when  the  conductor  closed  the  doors 


38  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

to  keep  the  Siberian  winds  from  freezing  every  one  to 
death  I  could  hear  women  scream  in  agony.  In  the 
freight-yards  of  Omsk  I  saw  as  many  as  three  families — 
seventeen  men,  women,  and  children — living  in  one 
small,  four-wheeled  box-car,  and  hi  Harbin  I  saw  two 
trains  which  brought  1,057  Serbians  from  Odessa. 
When  I  visited  the  cars  these  people  had  been  living  in 
them  seven  months. 

Arriving  in  Vladivostok  on  my  way  into  Russia  I 
rode  to  the  depot  in  one  of  those  four-wheeled  Odessa 
carriages  which  the  Russains  call  "izsvostcheks," 
bombarding  the  spectacled,  whiskered,  rag-covered 
driver  from  the  rear  with  questions  which  my  inter- 
preter seemed  to  make  him  understand.  He  was  an 
ex-soldier  who  had  fought  in  East  Prussia  and  Galicia 
until  the  March  revolution,  when  he  returned  home. 
Asked  why  he  didn't  continue  in  the  army  and  fight 
the  Bolsheviki  he  was  silent.  Then,  when  he  was 
pressed  for  an  opinion  as  to  what  he  would  do  if  the 
Bolsheviki  took  Vladivostok,  he  answered  "Nitchevo ! " 
(" I  should  worry!") 

At  the  station  were  throngs  of  Russians,  old  and 
young,  intellectual  and  ignorant;  strong  and  rugged 
for  the  most  part,  poorly  clad,  dark,  and  dirty.  Each 
one  lugged  his  worldly  possessions,  wrapped  and  tied 
in  a  colored  table-cloth,  shawl,  or  old  coat.  A  line 
of  several  hundred  persons  was  waiting  at  the  third- 
class  ticket-office.  Another  line  was  scrambling  for 
baggage  which  had  been  stacked  in  the  centre  of  the 
hall.  Leading  down  the  steps  to  the  tracks  was  an- 
other crowd,  waiting  for  the  hour  when  it  might  rush 
through  the  barred  doors  to  the  filthy  coaches  of  the 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  39 

ten-thirty  train  to  Harbin  or  the  later  one  for  the  Amur 
cities.  An  American,  a  Japanese,  and  a  Czech  soldier 
were  standing  on  the  outside  as  sentries,  with  nothing 
to  do  but  stand  and  change  guard  every  four  hours. 
Sometimes  they  would  separate  a  crowd  of  Chinese 
coolies  who  were  fighting  for  an  opportunity  to  carry 
the  luggage  of  a  foreigner  who  looked  as  if  he  might 
pay  more  than  the  regulation  price,  but  otherwise 
they  were  idle  spectators,  alone  in  a  foreign  land,  unable 
to  understand  what  it  was  all  about  and  longing  for 
the  end  of  the  war — in  Russia. 

For  several  days  I  sauntered  and  drove  about  the 
city,  up  the  steep  streets,  around  over  the  hills,  and 
back  again  to  Svetlanskaya,  the  main  thoroughfare, 
where  the  crowds  paraded,  the  droshkies  rattled  over 
the  cobblestones,  and  the  automobiles  raced  by  with 
the  same  feverish  haste  and  recklessness  which  was 
common  at  the  front.  From  the  tallest  and  finest 
buildings  waved  foreign  flags:  American,  French, 
Czecho-Slovak,  British,  Italian,  and  Japanese.  From 
the  street  one  could  look  down  into  the  beautiful  bay 
and  see  Allied  and  Russian  ships  at  anchor  or  the  sam- 
pans wiggling  their  way  across  the  harbor,  for  Vladi- 
vostok is  a  city  built  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountains, 
which  descend  rather  steeply  into  Golden  Horn  Bay. 
In  the  distance  were  the  cliffs  which  hid  the  former 
fortifications  of  the  city  in  the  days  when  Vladivostok 
was  known  as  "The  Tzar  of  the  East,"  and  up  the  bay, 
along  the  shore,  were  visible  the  dark  gray  gunboats 
and  monitors  which  the  crews  had  taken  over  as  float- 
ing residences.  An  abandoned  floating  dry  dock  arose 
and  fell  with  the  tide  in  mid-channel. 


40  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

In  the  cafe's  and  restaurants  the  men  gathered  and 
gossiped  and  speculated.  Information  travelled  mostly 
by  rumor  despite  the  numerous  extra  editions  of  the 
newspapers  which  the  coolies  sold,  rushing  excitedly 
through  the  crowds  with  their  Manchu  queues  dang- 
ling against  their  backs.  There  were  so  many  people 
in  the  streets,  cafe's,  on  the  docks,  jammed  into  tram- 
ways, and  in  the  stores,  that  one  wondered  where  they 
went  at  night,  because  the  city  was  known  to  be  con- 
jested.  Not  only  beds  but  sheltered  floor  spaces  were 
at  premiums.  Walking  about  the  city  in  the  evening 
one  learned  that  the  people  slept  in  shifts;  those  who 
could  not  find  refuge  at  night  slept  by  day  in  the  depots 
and  public  buildings,  the  dark,  damp  cellars,  and  aban- 
doned army  barracks.  It  was  not  an  infrequent  sight 
to  see  men  lying  in  gutters  with  the  curb-stones  as 
pillows  or  on  the  sidewalks  where  steps  served  as  head 
rests. 

Long  before  the  Allies  landed  their  troops  in  Siberia, 
Vladivostok  was  overcrowded.  Being  the  eastern 
terminus  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  it  was  the  chief 
outlet  from  Russia  and  Siberia  for  those  many  thou- 
sands of  inhabitants  who  wished  to  leave  their  own 
country  for  the  peace  and  happiness  which  they  be- 
lieved were  to  be  found  abroad.  To  Vladivostok  came 
also  those  numberless  Russians  who  had  heard  of  the 
United  States  as  the  land  of  perpetual  contentment, 
and  who  were  en  route  there.  Rumanians,  Czechs, 
Serbians,  Poles,  Lithuanians,  Big  Russians  and  Lit- 
tle Russians,  Indians,  Chinese,  Mongolians,  Dutch, 
Americans,  Scotch,  Canadians,  Japanese,  Italians, 
French,  Germans,  and  Austrians  met  Danes,  Austra- 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  41 

lians,  Spaniards,  Swiss,  and  Turks  in  this  city.  Never 
have  I  seen  such  a  cosmopolitan,  heterogenous  com- 
munity. It  was  as  if  the  war  and  the  revolution  had 
shaken  the  whole  world  and  dropped  samples  of  every 
nationality  in  Vladivostok. 

It  was  a  curious  war  city.  The  two  largest  depart- 
ment stores  were  owned  and  managed  by  Germans, 
one  of  whom,  a  few  months  after  the  American  sol- 
diers arrived,  appeared  at  the  United  States  Con- 
sulate and  subscribed  for  $25,000  worth  of  Lib- 
erty Bonds.  The  headquarters  of  the  United  States 
Expeditionary  Force  had  been  the  home  of  the  em- 
ployees of  one  of  these  enemy  concerns  until  Major- 
General  William  S.  Graves  arrived.  The  influence  of 
Germany  in  Vladivostok  was  so  great  throughout  the 
war  that  many  Russians  attribute  the  weakness  of 
their  own  army  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Germans  here 
in  preventing  war-munitions  from  reaching  the  front, 
and  after  the  Allies  landed  it  was  a  continuous  per- 
formance, their  search  for  German  agents,  many  of 
whom  were  citizens  of  neutral  countries.  At  lunch 
one  day  in  the  "Zolotoi  Hog"  cafe  with  several  Amer- 
ican army  officers,  I  recognized  a  German  whom  I  had 
encountered  in  Switzerland  last  winter;  a  man  whom 
the  Swiss  police  considered  a  spy.  The  United  States 
Intelligence  Service  took  steps  immediately  to  establish 
his  identity,  but  he  disappeared  in  a  motor-car  and 
was  never  seen  again  in  the  city.  A  few  weeks  later 
he  was  located  in  Manchuria  on  the  staff  of  a  well- 
known  army  officer. 

Because  of  the  influence  of  German  agents  at  this 
important  port  the  vicinity  of  Vladivostok  is  cluttered 


42  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

with  war-materials,  valued  by  the  Allied  staffs  at  be- 
tween $750,000,000  and  $1,000,000,000.  During  the 
war  scores  of  great  warehouses  were  constructed  to 
house  the  perishable  goods,  and  when  these  were 
stacked  to  the  rafters  and  it  became  impossible  to 
erect  buildings  as  fast  as  the  supplies  came,  every- 
thing, from  cotton  to  unassembled  motor-lorries,  were 
piled  in  open  fields  and  lots  and  covered  with  tar- 
paulins. Outside  the  city,  on  the  road  to  Khabarovsk, 
the  capital  of  the  Amur  province  and  the  first  interior 
city  I  visited,  are  hills  and  fields  of  munitions  and 
materials,  rotting,  rusting,  decaying,  and  wasting. 
There  is  a  hill  of  cotton  shipped  from  the  United  States 
tucked  under  mounds  of  tarpaulins.  There  are  37,000 
railway  truck-wheels  and  heavy  steel  rails  in  such 
quantities  as  to  make  it  possible  to  build  a  third  track 
from  the  Pacific  to  Petrograd.  There  is  enough  barbed- 
wire  to  fence  Siberia.  There  are  field-guns,  millions 
of  rounds  of  ammunition,  and  a  submarine;  auto- 
mobiles, shoes,  copper  and  lead  ingots,  and  these  are 
only  a  few  of  the  things  which  the  Tzar's  agents  pur- 
chased from  American  factories  to  be  used  hi  the  war 
against  Germany,  but  which  never  came  nearer  than 
within  6,000  miles  of  the  front,  as  near  as  San  Francisco 
was  to  the  Flanders  battle-line. 

Much  of  this  waste  of  the  Great  War  may  be  seen 
from  the  car  windows  travelling  from  Vladivostok 
to  Nikolsk  and  Khabarovsk,  but  after  the  yards  are 
passed  and  the  abandoned  factories  and  railroad-shops 
are  left  behind  there  comes  into  view  the  contrast 
between  the  dense  cities  and  the  vast,  limitless  fields. 
The  horizon  of  the  city  is  a  sky-line  of  buildings  and 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  43 

hills,  while  that  of  the  valleys  of  the  Usuri  and  Amur 
Rivers  and  the  steppes  of  the  interior  is  not  a  line 
but  an  indistinct  indication  of  endless  space.  Travel- 
ling up  the  Amur  railroad  with  the  American  com- 
mander on  his  first  inspection  trip,  we  passed  through 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  acres  of  grain-fields,  grazing- 
lands, 'and  forests.  Some  places  the  oats  and  wheat 
had  been  cut  but  not  harvested;  elsewhere  the  farms 
were  abandoned.  There  was  so  much  grain  it  seemed 
to  grow  wild,  like  dandelions  in  Indiana.  Forests 
were  only  nicked  here  and  there  along  the  railroad. 
Far  into  the  ulterior  they  were  primeval.  Infrequently 
there  were  peasants'  huts,  log  cabins,  or  rough  frame 
houses  painted  yellow.  For  hours  we  travelled  with- 
out seeing  a  living  thing  except  golden  pheasants  on 
the  wing.  Sometimes  at  the  village  stations  the  gen- 
eral's train  passed  the  " regular,"  which  was  regular 
only  as  a  memory  of  the  past,  and  we  glimpsed  the 
frightfulness  of  travel.  Men  and  women  were  packed 
so  closely  hi  box-cars  they  were  more  uncomfortable 
than  steers  riding  from  a  Western  ranch  to  Kansas 
City  or  Omaha.  Chinese  and  Russians,  brothers  and 
sisters  in  misery,  en  route  from  Somewhere  to  Some- 
where Else  in  search  of  peace,  relatives,  friends,  busi- 
ness, or  opportunity.  Some  were  smugglers,  others, 
business  men,  some  peasants,  and  many  of  them  polit- 
ical agitators.  Bolshevist  and  Monarchist  travelled 
together,  disguised  by  the  same  attire  and  on  the 
same  mission. 

Again  at  another  station  a  train  of  Cossacks  passed, 
young,  reckless  men,  travelling  with  their  sweethearts, 
their  guns,  and  horses.  They  had  the  best  of  the  rolling- 


44 

stock.  They  feared  God  only  and  took  their  own  part 
in  everything.  They  swayed  with  the  political  winds 
and  were  anti-Bolshevist  only  because  it  was  popular. 
They  obeyed  no  laws  but  the  mandates  of  their  ataman, 
a  twenty-eight-year-old  "General."  They  ran  a  train 
of  broken  artillery,  six-inch  guns  from  England  cov- 
ered with  tree-bows,  up  and  down  the  line  to  impress 
the  inhabitants. 

From  every  station  along  the  road  waved  the  flag 
of  the  Flowery  Kingdom,  and  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  towns  and  bridges  guarded  exclusively  by  Amer- 
icans, the  Japanese  troops  were  always  present.  From 
Lake  Baikal  to  the  Pacific  it  was  the  same.  Every- 
where their  soldiers,  merchants,  investigators,  agents, 
and  prospectors  dotted  the  country. 

But  that  vast  domain  of  tillable  land  was  like  a 
vision  in  a  dream.  With  all  the  suffering  in  Vladi- 
vostok and  Khabarovsk,  for  this  Amur  city  was  not 
an  exception,  it  seemed  strange  that  such  fertile  valleys 
should  be  so  deserted,  but  the  counter-revolution  of 
the  Bolsheviki  bears  the  responsibility.  Since  the 
"Tzar"  Lenin  and  his  "Apostles"  (a  Petrograd  poet 
has  likened  Lenin's  cabinet  to  twelve  modern  dis- 
ciples) Usurped  the  political  power  of  European  Rus- 
sia, everything  has  been  unsettled  and  topsy-turvy. 
There  has  been  no  inclination  on  the  part  of  the  people 
to  stay  on  the  land  or  return  to  it.  There  is  no  security. 
They  cannot  be  certain  that  the  farm  they  take  or 
buy  or  receive,  own  or  rent,  will  remain  in  their  hands. 
Some  peasants,  many  thousands  of  them,  have  re- 
mained on  the  land  but  mostly  in  districts  far  removed 
from  the  railroads. 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  45 

In  Khabarovsk,  while  idling  through  the  market 
one  morning,  I  saw  a  group  of  men  gathered  around 
an  old  peasant,  a  man  crippled  and  calloused  by  hard 
work.  In  his  twitching  hands  he  held  a  deed  to  a  piece 
of  land  near  Samara.  Physically  broken  down,  he 
related  his  story,  crying  like  a  heartbroken  child  at 
the  same  time. 

"When  the  Bolsheviki  came  to  my  house  they  said: 
'Who  owns  this  property?'  I  said:  'I  do'  .  .  ."  The 
crowd  was  eager  and  silent.  "  'How  long  have  you 
been  here?'  the  commissar  asked.  'Five  years,'  said 
I.  'Then  get  out,'  he  said.  'You  had  this  long  enough' 
.  .  .  and  he  took  my  house,  my  cows,  my  geese,  and 
my  flour  and  grain,  and  ..."  and  he  ended  hi  tears 
while  the  interested  villagers  examined  his  "scrap  of 
paper." 

Returning  to  Vladivostok  from  the  north  I  began, 
almost  immediately,  a  two  months'  journey  into  the 
interior  of  Siberia,  across  the  steppes  to  Omsk  and 
over  the  boundary  between  Asiatic  and  European 
Russia  to  Ekaterinburg  and  Cheliabinsk,  at  that  tune 
the  headquarters  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  armies  on  the 
Ural  front.  From  the  Pacific  to  these  mountains,  from 
which  come  many  precious  stones  and  ninety  per  cent  of 
the  world's  platinum  supply,  it  was  a  pleasant  journey 
of  six  days  before  the  counter-revolution.  To-day 
the  trip  is  made  under  the  greatest  hardships  hi  from 
three  to  four  times  that  many  days,  depending  upon 
the  means  of  travel.  Aboard  a  special  train  one  can 
reach  Omsk  in  nineteen  days,  while  the  "regular"  or 
troop-train  will  take  a  month.  Only  about  forty  per 
cent  of  the  locomotives  can  be  used  and  on  some  di- 


46  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

visions  less.  The  best  railway  coaches  have  been  com- 
mandeered by  the  various  armies,  domestic  and  foreign, 
and  what  is  left  for  the  "travelling  public"  resembles 
the  dilapidated  wooden  cars  one  sees  deserted  in  some 
American  yards.  The  track,  although  badly  in  need 
of  repair  and  attention,  is  still  able  to  bear  the  burdens 
of  flat  wheels  and  heavy  cars  much  better,  indeed, 
than  the  passengers ! 

It  is  a  thousand-mile  journey  across  Manchuria, 
that  province  of  China  which  the  Tzar  deemed  his 
special  sphere  of  influence,  before  one  enters  Siberia 
again.  Manchuria  to-day  is  a  beehive  of  speculation 
and  commerce.  Long  caravans,  drawn  by  camel  and 
oxen,  move  across  the  country  with  raw  materials  for 
Japanese  and  European  markets.  Through  Harbin 
move  the  cars  and  wagons  of  manufactured  articles, 
some  of  which  ultimately  reach  Siberia,  but  by  that 
time  those  things  which  cost  a  few  kopecks  in  China 
sell  for  hundreds  of  roubles  in  Irkutsk  and  Omsk. 
Twenty  cigarettes  in  a  package  sell  for  three  cents  in 
Manchouli  Station,  the  border  town  of  Manchuria. 
In  Cheliabinsk  they  bring  eighty  cents.  Sheepskin 
coats  which  the  Harbin  merchants  dispose  of  in  lots 
at  seven  dollars  each,  disappear  from  the  market-stands 
of  Irkutsk  at  five  hundred  per  cent  profit,  this  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  Siberia  was  one  of  the  greatest  fur- 
producing  countries  hi  the  world.  Sugar,  which  costs 
as  much  in  northern  China  as  in  the  United  States, 
was  two  dollars  a  pound  when  I  bought  some  at  a  rail- 
road-station near  Taiga.  Chinese  tea  and  rice  are 
luxuries  in  the  North.  And  salt !  Salt  is  so  precious 
in  Russia  that  when  I  entered  one  of  the  shops  of  Eka- 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  47 

terinburg  and  asked  to  buy  some,  the  old  woman  be- 
hind the  counter  looked  at  me  in  amazement. 
"What/'  she  asked,  "salt?  Are  you  crazy?" 
Buying  salt  is  like  seeking  other  commodities  which 
Siberia  used  to  import,  and  I  discovered  it  as  soon  as 
I  crossed  the  line  again  into  that  empire  of  boundless 
possibilities  and  tragedies.  The  counter-revolution  of 
the  Bolshevists  so  crippled  the  railroads  and  so  dis- 
organized the  channels  of  trade  that  supplies  from  the 
outside  are  more  scarce  than  German-made  goods  in 
France.  Still  those  products  which  are  produced  in 
the  country  are  cheap,  cheap  to  an  American  who 
has  been  educated  to  a  high  cost  of  eating,  but  ex- 
pensive to  the  Russians.  Frequently  I  bought  roast 
goose  for  eighteen  and  twenty  cents  a  pound,  butter 
for  nineteen  and  twenty-five  cents,  and  the  best  cuts 
of  beef  for  about  the  same  price,  but  this  was  at  an 
increase  of  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  per  cent  over  the 
normal  peace-time  prices.  And  as  for  salt,  coffee, 
vegetables,  preserved  and  fresh  fruit,  they  no  longer 
exist  as  far  as  the  Russian  hi  the  interior  knows. 

Economically  Siberia  may  be  divided  into  three 
districts.  From  Vladivostok  across  Manchuria  to 
Manchouli  Station  there  is  an  abundance  of  grain  and 
meat.  Harbin,  the  centre  of  this  district,  has  all  the 
food  luxuries  of  the  world.  In  the  Baikal,  the  moun- 
tainous region  around  that  lake  which  is  almost  as 
large  as  Lake  Superior,  there  is  such  a  scarcity  of  food 
that  starvation  is  to-day  more  extensive  than  in  any 
other  part  of  Russia,  not  excluding  Petrograd  and 
Moscow.  From  Irkutsk,  which  is  on  the  other  side 
of  the  lake  as  one  travels  inland  to  the  Urals,  such 


48  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

food  as  butter,  meat,  bread,  and  fish  is  plentiful.  But 
all  Siberia,  as  far  as  household  furnishings  and  every 
kind  of  clothing  are  concerned,  is  famished. 

Arriving  in  Irkutsk  early  one  winter  morning,  after 
awakening  at  dawn  to  see  the  sun's  rays  bring  out  in 
bold  relief  the  snow-white  mountain  range  which  skirts 
the  Baikal,  I  set  out  in  a  sleigh  for  the  bazaar.  Irkutsk 
is  said  to  be  the  coldest  city  in  Siberia,  not  because 
the  temperature  drops  lower  than  seventy  degrees 
below  zero,  but  by  reason  of  the  heavy  fogs  and  ex- 
treme dampness.  As  I  rode  from  the  station  across 
the  temporary  wooden  toll-bridge  over  the  Angara 
River  into  the  city  proper,  the  fog  was  so  dense  I  could 
not  see  the  water  nor  the  carriage  in  front.  By  eleven 
o'clock  the  city  was  still  blanketed.  By  noon  the  sun 
appeared  for  its  short  irregular  visit,  and  I  went  to 
the  market-place  from  the  American  consulate,  where 
I  had  gone  to  get  warm  as  much  as  to  inquire  for  tele- 
grams. 

Every  Siberian  city  has  its  market-place,  some  even 
have  two  or  three,  but  there  is  always  a  "big  bazaar." 
Irkutsk  had  a  big  market  which  was  typical  of  others 
I  visited  in  Tomsk,  Taiga,  Omsk,  Ekaterinburg,  and 
Cheliabinsk.  They  were,  in  fact,  not  markets  as  we 
use  the  word.  They  were  a  collection  of  junk-shops. 
Over  a  vast  square  were  several  hundred  stands  and 
as  many  dilapidated  frame  shacks,  temporary  weather- 
beaten  frame  structures,  facing  narrow  streets.  To 
these  stands  every  morning  the  business  men  and  shop- 
keepers of  the  city  brought  their  choice  wares.  Some 
of  these  they  displayed  on  the  rough  tables  or  snow- 
covered  ground.  Some  things  were  carried  about  by 


A  typical  Siberian  village  scene 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  49 

peddlers  who  mingled  with  the  crowds  bartering  and 
exchanging.  Walking  about  from  avenue  to  avenue 
in  search  of  a  samovar  which  I  needed  to  boil  water 
for  drinking  purposes  on  my  way  in  and  out  of  the 
country  (the  water  is  so  unhealthful  in  this  country 
without  sewerage  systems  that  all  drinking  water  must 
be  boiled),  I  noticed  that  fully  ninety-nine  per  cent  of 
everything  exhibited  at  the  bazaar  was  second-hand, 
used  or  badly  worn.  Hardware,  furniture,  overcoats, 
stockings,  underwear,  table-cloths,  stoves,  dresses,  jew- 
elry, shoes,  suits,  books,  guns,  lamps,  carpets,  and  beds 
were  to  be  seen  in  numberless  quantities,  and  every 
article  looked  as  if  it  had  changed  hands  several  times 
before  being  brought  to  the  stalls. 

Everybody  goes  to  the  market,  not  only  to  buy 
and  sell  but  to  talk.  The  bazaars  are  the  market  par- 
liaments. Here  the  peasants  and  city  dwellers  meet 
to  discuss  the  war  and  politics,  the  Bolshevist,  the 
Socialist,  and  the  Monarchist  propaganda,  the  policies 
of  the  Allies  and  the  prices  of  food.  There  are  no  reg- 
ular meetings,  of  course,  and  seldom  are  speeches  heard, 
but  rumors  and  pamphlets  circulate,  and  the  market- 
place discussions  take  the  form  of  group  debates.  These 
are,  indeed,  crude  efforts  at  democracy,  but  there  is  no 
representative  government  in  Siberia  and  there  is  no 
other  place  where  the  people  can  gather  to  exchange 
ideas.  So  they  make  use  of  the  markets  for  both  busi- 
ness and  politics. 

Walking  about  the  market  of  Irkutsk  and  saunter- 
ing through  the  bazaars  in  other  cities,  I  noticed  the 
presence  everywhere  of  the  three  striking  colors:  the 
black,  the  white,  and  the  red ;  the  dark  mass  of  people, 


50 

the  snow-covered  streets  and  homes,  the  white  nights, 
and  the  discontent,  the  fear,  and  the  suffering.  No 
lines  of  distinction  were  visible  among  the  people. 
All  were  dressed  alike  in  worn,  torn  garments.  It 
was  not  unusual  to  see  educated  and  cultured  women 
standing  in  the  crowds  bargaining  for  a  price  for  an 
old  fur-coat  or  a  piece  of  family  jewelry.  The  first 
revolution  destroyed  titles  and  distinctions  and  made 
every  one  a  Russian  citizen,  but  the  counter-revolution 
put  an  end  to  citizenship  and  made  every  one  an  animal. 
And  Siberia,  despite  the  fact  that  the  Bolsheviki  are 
not  in  power,  has  not  overcome  the  effects  of  the  brief 
reign  of  terror  which  followed  the  usurpation  of  power 
by  the  followers  of  the  Red  army. 

This  was  visible  in  Vladivostok,  Khabarovsk,  Tchita, 
and  Irkutsk,  but  not  until  I  reached  Omsk  did  I  feel 
as  if  I  had  climbed  to  the  summit  of  the  human  vol- 
canoes; not  until  I  had  explored  the  craters  of  suffering 
in  that  city,  was  I  sure  that  I  had  seen  the  red  of  Si- 
beria, the  red  which  was  brought  by  the  Red  army. 

Omsk,  like  so  many  Siberian  cities,  is  divided  into 
an  "old"  and  a  "new"  town,  a  condition  due  to  the 
construction  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  as  a  stra- 
tegic road.  This  line,  which  is  to-day  the  backbone 
of  the  country,  was  built  to  serve  a  military  purpose 
and  not  to  benefit  the  cities  or  towns.  The  railroad 
does  not  pass  through  the  chief  cities,  and  the  "old" 
towns  of  Omsk,  Tomsk,  Cheliabinsk,  Ekaterinburg, 
and  Khabarovsk  are  several  versts  from  the  railroad. 
Consequently  new  communities  have  grown  about 
the  stations  and  the  "old"  and  "new"  cities  are  con- 
nected by  shuttle-trams. 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  51 

The  train  which  brought  me  from  Irkutsk  arrived 
in  the  morning  at  "new  town,"  and  I  stepped  out  upon 
the  snow-covered  platform  of  a  low,  white  depot  in 
front  of  which  there  was  the  ever-present  black  mass 
of  humanity — men  and  women,  wrapped  in  worn, 
winter  clothes  like  mummies;  Czech  soldiers  wearing 
the  high,  gray,  fur  hats  of  the  Cossacks,  marked  with 
a  small  red-and-white  ribbon,  the  national  colors  of 
Czecho-Slovakia;  Russian  officers  and  hundreds  of 
soldiers.  Following  the  crowd,  which  was  so  dense  it 
moved  with  the  speed  of  a  cumbersome  tank,  I  walked 
to  the  shuttle-train  for  Omsk  proper,  which  was  already 
crowded  inside  and  out.  From  step  to  step,  with  hun- 
dreds of  others  who  were  on  the  same  mission,  I  searched 
for  a  place  to  stand  or  hold  onto  but  with  no  success. 
Finally,  as  the  whistle  blew,  I  climbed  with  several 
others  around  the  hangers-on  on  the  steps,  up  between 
two  cars,  and  found  standing  room  on  the  bumpers. 
I  had  neglected  to  purchase  a  ticket,  but  I  noticed  that 
very  few  expected  to  pay  then-  fares,  and  I  waited 
developments,  knowing  that  money  was  always  a  satis- 
factory substitute  for  any  kind  of  a  "  billet." 

After  a  ten-minute  ride  I  climbed  down  from  my 
uncertain  foot-rest  and  walked  through  the  station 
to  the  droshky  stand,  without  being  asked  for  my  fare. 
This  was  what  most  of  the  others  were  doing  and,  in- 
asmuch as  this  was  a  strange  country  and  a  strange 
world,  I  thought  it  best  not  to  be  an  iconoclast  but 
to  follow  the  crowd.  On  later  trips  back  and  forth 
between  these  two  stations,  I  discovered  that  each 
car  had  its  conductoress,  but  that  she  was  usually 
blockaded  in  some  part  of  the  coach  and  prevented 


52  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

from  collecting  the  fifteen  kopecks  which  the  railroad 
"charged." 

Riding  to  the  centre  of  Omsk  in  an  old  sled  (the 
picturesque,  dashing  troikas  have  disappeared),  past 
the  great  stone  railway  office-building  where  the  Omsk 
" government"  was  housed,  past  the  railway  cars  where 
the  French  and  Japanese  missions  were  living,  and 
through  the  wide  streets,  I  noticed  everywhere  throngs 
of  soldiers  and  civilians.  It  is  said  there  are  100,000 
Siberian  troops  in  Omsk  and  400,000  refugees.  Cer- 
tainly one  obtains  the  impression  that  the  figures  are 
not  exaggerated,  for  no  city  of  a  normal  population 
of  less  than  90,000  could  be  so  overcrowded  as  Omsk 
without  showing  it.  There  were  no  rooms  to  be  had 
in  the  hotels,  boarding-houses,  or  private  residences. 
The  government  had  been  compelled  already  by  cir- 
cumstances to  force  the  inhabitants  to  open  their 
homes  to  the  refugees,  and  still  there  was  not  a 
sufficient  space  of  shelter  for  every  one.  Unemployed 
by  day  and  idle  at  night,  these  inhabitants  and 
strangers  of  Omsk  present  a  typical  Russian  picture. 
The  counter-revolution  of  the  working  men  has  not 
ennobled  labor.  It  has  made  leisure  supreme. 

At  noon  I  went  to  the  Cafe*  "Delux,"  where  the 
political  strategists  and  officers  gathered,  where  the 
business  men  came  to  bargain  with  each  other,  and 
the  women  of  the  night  world  had  their  dejeuner,  but 
there  was  no  room  for  a  stranger  and  I  went  away 
to  return  in  the  afternoon  when  I  might  eat  in  peace 
with  a  young  Russian  cadet,  my  interpreter  and  guide. 

Toward  evening,  after  visiting  the  shops  where  only 
used  articles  were  on  sale — evening  dresses,  the  relics 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  53 

of  a  past  social  life;  silver  services  of  noblemen,  canes, 
and  jewelled  swords;  after  attempting  to  enter  the 
opera-house  where  a  company  of  Moscow  players 
were  presenting  one  of  Tolstoy's  dramas;  after  going 
through  the  Co-operative  stores  and  seeking  Russian 
money  in  exchange  for  the  American  dollars  but  find- 
ing the  banks  unwilling  to  buy  American  money,  I 
set  out  in  a  farmer's  sledge  for  the  "new"  station  and 
my  railroad  car  home,  a  compartment  in  an  old  sleeper, 
which  I  occupied  as  a  guest  with  the  American  Red 
Cross  contingent. 

Omsk  was  the  first  Siberian  city,  in  fact  the  only 
city  in  the  world  I  had  been  in  during  the  war,  and 
my  travels  had  taken  me  to  eighteen  countries  in  Asia, 
Europe,  and  the  Americas,  where  our  currency  had 
no  value.  When  I  handed  one  of  the  bankers  a  twenty- 
dollar  bill  he  looked  it  over  and  gave  it  back  with  the 
final  remark  that:  " There  is  no  demand  for  that  money 
here."  What  a  contrast  that  was  from  the  situation 
in  Vladivostok  and  Harbin  only  those  who  have  had 
dealings  with  the  money  sharks  of  these  cities  can 
imagine. 

The  currency  of  Siberia  is  a  collection  of  varieties 
of  paper  money  and  postage-stamps.  No  coins  are 
in  circulation,  either  gold,  silver,  or  copper.  Paper 
bills  of  the  Tzar's  Government  sell  at  a  premium  and 
are  almost  unobtainable;  the  Kerensky,  or  provisional 
government,  roubles  rank  next  in  value;  then  comes 
the  Omsk  and  Siberian  government  paper  money,  and 
finally  that  of  the  Bolsheviki;  but  no  one  knows  from 
day  to  day  what  the  value  of  any  of  this  money  will 
be.  The  Omsk  government  did  have  600,000,000 


54  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

roubles'  worth  of  platinum  and  gold  as  a  reserve  back 
of  the  notes  of  its  treasury.  This  bullion  the  Czecho- 
slovaks captured  from  the  Red  army  at  Kazan  last 
summer,  but  no  one  knows  whether  that  metal  is  still 
in  Omsk,  or  whether  some  of  the  numerous  officials 
who  have  been  in  office  since  have  appropriated  it. 
In  October  when  American,  English,  French,  and 
Japenese  buyers  were  in  the  Urals  seeking  platinum 
for  their  respective  governments,  to  be  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  certain  war-munitions,  the  Omsk  gov- 
ernment informed  the  men  it  was  "unable  to  locate" 
more  than  forty  pounds.  What  became  of  the  other 
three  or  four  hundred  pounds  no  one  seems  to  know. 
The  finances  of  European  Russia  are  just  as  chaotic. 
From  the  Primorsky  Jizn  of  Vladivostok  I  clipped  the 
following  despatch: 

"The  Bolshevik  Central  Committee  official  bulletin, 
gives  the  signed  treasury  statement  of  Finance  Com- 
missar Gukovsky  for  the  period  from  January  to  June, 
1918.  Total  receipts  from  revenues  of  all  kinds  were 
2,862,727,000  roubles.  In  the  same  time  the  total  ex- 
penses were  17,602,727,000  roubles.  The  deficit  is  14,- 
740,000,000  roubles." 

As  a  result  of  the  instability  of  the  currency  there 
is  universal  speculation — outside  of  Omsk  and  the 
cities  immediately  back  of  the  "front."  In  Vladi- 
vostok one  out  of  every  eight  or  ten  stores  has  a  sign 
in  the  window  reading,  "Money  Changed,"  and  the 
speculators  approach  every  foreigner  in  each  block. 
A  Rumanian,  who  was  in  the  business  and  had  most 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  55 

of  his  transactions  with  the  American  and  British 
soldiers  because  he  could  speak  English,  told  me  he 
averaged  400  roubles  a  day  profit,  all  of  which  the  in- 
experienced soldiers  probably  lost. 

But  the  difficulties  and  exigencies  of  exchange  did 
not  trouble  the  refugees  whom  I  saw  living  in  caves 
as  my  sleigh  crossed  the  wide,  wind-swept  plain  which 
separated  the  city  proper  from  the  "new  town."  As 
I  passed  the  barbed-wire  stockade  where  Bolshevist 
and  German,  Magyar,  and  Austrian  were  imprisoned, 
I  noticed  a  score  or  more  of  mounds  above  which  the 
washing  of  the  dwellers  was  stretched  on  wires  in  ir- 
regular lines  atop  rough  posts.  Shouting  to  the  driver, 
a  boy  of  fifteen  dressed  in  a  torn,  man's  sized  fur  over- 
coat and  felt  boots,  to  halt,  I  walked  over  to  the  dug- 
outs, knocked  at  the  board  gate  which  served  as  a 
door  for  one  of  them,  and  walked  down  into  the  dirt 
room  where  a  man  and  his  wife  with  five  children  were 
seated  or  lying  about  a  small  iron  stove.  This  hole 
was  their  home.  Along  one  side  was  a  straw  bed,  around 
the  stove  were  a  few  cooking  utensils.  One  of  the  five 
children  had  on  shoes;  three  had  no  stockings;  all 
of  them  were  pale  with  hunger  and  weak  from  lack 
of  exercise,  for,  with  the  rigors  of  the  whiter  (that  morn- 
ing the  thermometer  registered  forty-two  degrees  below 
zero  at  the  American  consulate),  they  had  not  a  suf- 
ficient amount  of  clothing  to  permit  them  to  leave 
their  hearth. 

I  did  not  venture  into  the  other  "homes,"  but  some 
of  our  Red  Cross  workers  did  and  they  found  the  same 
destitution,  the  same  conditions,  the  same  resigned 
expression  on  the  faces  of  the  people.  I  did  not  ask 


56  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

them  what  they  hoped  for  in  Russia.  It  was  too  evi- 
dent/but  I  recalled  the  remark  of  a  peasant  to  an  Amer- 
ican officer  at  Bira,  in  the  Amur: 

"Give  us  order  and  give  us  bread,"  he  said,  "noth- 
ing more." 

That  evening  several  of  the  nurses,  American  women 
who  had  volunteered  to  work  hi  this  desolate  empire 
and  who  had  been  busy  all  day  in  the  city,  gathered 
in  one  of  the  compartments  and  sang  the  rollicking 
airs  of  American  songs  to  the  music  of  a  guitar,  and 
again  there  was  the  contrast.  Life  was  always  a  series 
of  contrasts  in  Siberia,  and  none  was  more  graphic  than 
the  scene  within  this  railway  car  and  that  within  the 
thousands  of  box-cars  in  the  same  freight-yards  where 
suffering  refugees  were  huddled  together  unable  to 
sense  anything  but  the  cold. 

After  midnight  I  left  the  car  with  several  doctors, 
walked  through  the  yards  to  the  depot,  and  elbowed 
my  way  into  the  third-class  waiting-room,  stepping 
carefully  over  the  bodies  of  sleeping  men  and  women 
which  covered  the  floor  of  the  hall.  In  both  the  first, 
second,  and  third  class  rooms  there  was  the  same  con- 
dition— everywhere  the  same  sleeping,  black  mass  of 
human  beings. 

In  one  corner  a  Red  Cross  official  who  accompanied 
me  spied  three  children  seated  against  the  wall,  prac- 
tically naked.  A  young  woman  was  lying  beside  them 
fast  asleep,  something  the  children  could  not  do  because 
of  the  "cooties"  which  they  searched  for  like  monkeys. 
A  black-haired  Turkestan  soldier,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  military  police,  came  up,  noticing  our  interest, 
and  addressed  us  in  French.  We  asked  him  to  awaken 


THE  HUMAN  VOLCANOES  57 

the  woman  and  question  her  about  the  children.  The 
private  nudged  her  with  his  mace  and  asked  in  Rus- 
sian if  she  was  the  mother  of  the  three.  Rubbing  her 
eyes,  raising  her  head,  and  frowning,  she  replied,  curtly, 
"No!"  and  lay  down  to  sleep  again.  Pressed  for  an 
answer  as  to  where  the  mother  was,  she  said,  "Gone 
to  town,"  and  then,  "Oh,  she'll  be  back." 

"Nitchevo,"  remarked  the  Russian.  "There  are 
lots  of  them  like  that." 

On  the  walls  of  the  depot,  again  in  black  and  white, 
were  thousands  of  posters  put  up  by  frantic  mothers, 
fathers,  brothers,  and  sisters  in  search  of  near  relatives 
who  had  disappeared  or  who  were  lost  hi  the  trains. 
In  these  notices  were  descriptions  and  appeals,  similar 
to  but  more  tragic  than  the  personal  columns  of  the 
great  metropolitan  newspapers.  If  "Maria,"  "Ta- 
tiana,"  "Ivan,"  "Nikolai,"  or,  "Alexievitch"  arrived 
in  Omsk;  if  "Mrs.  A.  Zemenov  of  Kazan,"  or 
"Katherine  Rizoff  of  Kowno,"  or  any  one  of  a  thou- 
sand-named refugees  arrived  in  Omsk,  the  bulletins 
said,  they  will  find  relatives  or  friends  living  in  this 
city  or  that.  All  day  long  the  people  read  these  signs. 
Even  at  night,  under  the  white  lights  of  the  arc-lamps, 
the  refugees  perused  them,  for  they  were  the  sole  means 
of  personal  communication — the  only  possible  con- 
necting links  between  separated  families. 

With  Siberia  cut  off  from  European  Russia  by  a 
"battle-line "  running  from  Perm  south  along  the 
Ural  Mountains  to  the  neighborhood  of  Orenburg, 
Omsk  became  the  clearing-house  for  refugees  within 
all  that  territory  defended  by  the  Czecho-Slovak  eche- 
lons. To  this  city  come  men  from  the  United  States 


58  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

and  Europe,  from  Poland  and  Petrograd,  in  search  of 
their  families  whom  they  had  left  behind  before  the 
counter-revolution.  To  Omsk  come  the  men,  women, 
and  children  who  have  been  fortunate  in  their  escape 
from  European  Russia.  Through  this  city  have  passed 
between  7,000,000  and  8,000,000  refugees  to  whom 
Siberia  is  no  longer  a  place  of  exile  but  a  land  of  tem- 
porary security  and  freedom  from  persecution,  despite 
the  congestion,  the  physical  suffering,  and  mental 
anguish. 

After  sojourning  several  weeks  here  in  the  ulterior 
of  Russia,  and  travelling  5,000  miles  back  to  Vladi- 
vostok, I  felt  as  if  I  had  climbed  to  the  summits, 
into  the  craters,  and  back  to  the  bases  of  the  human 
volcanoes,  the  cities  of  limitless  distress;  as  if  I  had 
seen  the  fiery  red  of  fear,  the  black  mass  of  humanity, 
and  the  white  land.  Everywhere  there  was  evident 
the  terrible  ruthlessness  of  the  Bolshevist  revolution, 
which  during  its  brief  period  of  destruction  in  Siberia 
had  made  it  impossible,  for  any  of  the  governments 
thus  far  organized,  to  reconstruct,  rebuild,  renew,  or 
revitalize. 

In  Siberia  it  seemed  as  if  the  world  stood  still  and 
every  one  was  doing  his  best  to  live  until  it  began  mov- 
ing again. 


CHAPTER  IV 
IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH 

BEFORE  the  revolution  there  were  four  ways  of 
crossing  Siberia:  by  first,  second,  and  third  class  rail- 
way-carriages and  fourth-class  box-cars.  To-day  there 
are  but  two:  box-cars  and  special  trains.  Almost 
every  day  both  types  of  trains  leave  Vladivostok  for 
" Somewhere  in  Russia,"  and  after  they  depart  no 
one  can  tell  where  they  will  ultimately  arrive  or  when, 
despite  the  schedules.  Railroading,  like  everything 
else  hi  Russia,  has  been  revolutionized — i.  e.,  revolu- 
tionized in  the  wrong  way.  Travelling  by  box-car 
one  fights  for  standing-room  in  a  four-wheeled  anti- 
quated wooden  car,  painted  railroad-red  and  about 
one-third  the  size  of  an  American  freight-car.  If  one 
is  lucky  in  winter  one  gets  a  place  near  the  stove  in 
the  centre;  if  unlucky  one  may  be  crammed  into  a 
corner  without  heat  or  light.  By  the  box-car  route 
one  can  travel  as  long  as  one  can  endure  the  un- 
ventilated  ulterior  and  the  company  of  Russia's  un- 
fortunates. * 

With  the  special  train  it  is  somewhat  different. 
Instead  of  standing  or  sleeping  in  the  ticket  line  for 
eighteen  or  twenty  hours  to  purchase  a  fourth-class 
ticket,  and  instead  of  taking  one's  chances  with  the 
Russian  trainman  and  his  whip  (and  whips  are  not 
emblems  of  authority  alone !),  one  applies  to  the  Inter- 

59 


60  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Allied  Railway  Commission  in  Vladivostok,  and  this 
commission,  if  it  looks  with  favor  upon  the  "mission," 
will  grant  a  car  or  special  train,  whichever  is  needed. 

The  "permit"  is  only  an  invitation  to  travel  because 
every  general,  commission,  colonel,  mission,  society, 
and  army  has  already  confiscated  the  best  cars,  and 
what  a  new  "mission"  obtains  is  what  others  have 
left  behind.  The  car  the  American  Red  Cross  obtained 
for  some  of  the  doctors,  nurses,  and  correspondents 
had  been  a  "has  been"  for  several  years.  The  con- 
ductor claimed  he  had  been  living  in  it  several  months 
in  the  Vladivostok  yards.  Last  spring,  he  said,  his 
car  had  been  ordered  to  Moscow  but  the  Bolshevists 
arrived  first,  and  he  and  his  "wagon-lits"  were  side- 
tracked. 

It  does  not  really  matter  by  what  train  one  leaves 
the  city  because  all  are  apt  to  make  equally  good  time. 
There  are  no  time-tables  and  the  improvised  schedules 
permit  the  trains  to  run  when  the  tracks  are  clear,  and 
it  is  fortunate  that  the  Russian  trainmen  still  have 
a  sufficient  interest  hi  their  work  to  take  care  in 
despatching  trains.  This  appears  to  be  about  the 
only  part  of  the  railroad  business  which  is  not  topsy- 
turvy. 

Luck,  however,  plays  a  surprising  role.  If  one  is 
fortunate  on  the  "special"  one  may  arrive  in  Harbin, 
Manchuria,  the  first  big  station  on  the  Chinese  Eastern 
Railway,  in  twenty  hours.  If  not  it  may  require  thirty- 
eight  or  forty  hours.  Travelling  is  a  gamble.  I  made 
one  journey  between  Vladivostok  and  Harbin  in  twenty 
hours  with  John  F.  Stevens  and  Colonel  George  Emer- 
son of  the  United  States  Railway  Service  Corps.  A 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     61 

second  journey  took  thirty-six  hours!  One  gambles 
with  time,  money,  and  patience,  and  if  one  can  speak 
Russian  fluently  one  gambles  with  the  language,  too. 
There  was  a  time  when  one  could  go  from  Vladivostok 
to  Moscow  hi  nine  days.  Now  it  takes  ten  days  to  go 
to  Irkutsk,  which  is  about  one-third  the  way. 

It  does  not  take  long  for  one  to  become  accustomed 
to  railway  travel  in  Siberia.  It  is  bad  business  and 
is  accepted  as  such. 

You  resign  yourself  to  Fate;  you  get  out  your  army 
blankets  and  your  air  pillow  and  make  a  bed;  you 
see  to  it  that  your  larder  is  well  stocked.  Then  you 
forget  everything  else  and  trust  to  the  revolution  not 
to  make  any  changes  until  you  reach  your  destination, 
which  is  a  fluctuating  point  on  the  map  of  Siberia. 
My  destination  was  the  Czech  front,  which  was  a  mov- 
able line  somewhere  in  the  heart  of  Russia,  and  after 
I  reached  Irkutsk,  a  beautiful  city  with  large  modern 
buildings  and  great  churches  near  Lake  Baikal,  one 
of  the  five  largest  lakes  hi  the  world,  I  was  still  at  least 
a  week  from  the  front,  its  present  location,  but  within 
a  week  it  may  move  nearer  or  further  away.  Life  and 
travel,  alike,  are  unknown  quantities  in  Siberia,  and, 
I  was  travelling ! 

As  far  as  Tchita  there  are  two  routes,  one  in  Siberia 
proper  and  the  other  through  north-central  Manchuria. 
Originally  there  was  but  one  trans-Siberian  line  from 
Tchita,  and  that  connected  with  the  Chinese  Eastern 
Railway,  but  after  the  Russo-Japanese  War  the  Rus- 
sian Government  began  the  construction  of  the  Amur 
railway  along  the  Siberian-Manchurian  border,  so  that, 
in  event  of  another  war  with  Japan  or  any  other  na- 


62  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

tion  in  the  Far  East,  Russian  trains  could  be  run  to 
Vladivostok  solely  over  Russian  territory. 

On  the  Amur  railway  to  Tchita  there  is  one  chief 
town,  Khabarovsk,  where  the  American  and  Japanese 
troops  were  stationed  in  the  old  barracks  of  the  Fifth 
Siberian  Army  Corps.  Along  the  Chinese  Eastern 
line  through  Manchuria  our  train,  which  reached 
Irkutsk  after  seemingly  numberless  delays,  stopped 
a;t  Harbin,  Manchuria  City,  and  Tchita  long  enough 
to  permit  us  to  glimpse  the  cities  as  a  whole,  and  in 
some  instances  to  examine  and  study  the  schools,  the 
bazaars,  the  shops,  and  the  churches;  for  Siberia  has 
all  the  earmarks  of  civilization  although  this  civiliza- 
tion is  at  a  standstill.  Every  city  of  any  size,  and 
there  are  several  with  over  50,000  and  100,000  in- 
habitants, has  its  opera-house  or  theatre;  its  movies 
and  cabarets;  its  cafe's  and  midnight  restaurants,  and 
its  banks,  jewelry  shops,  fur  stores,  and  Japanese  curio 
stands.  Cities  like  Harbin,  Manchuria  City,  and 
Tchita,  have  their  unpaved  dirt  streets,  their  log  huts, 
and  community  cellars  as  well  as  their  brick  and  stone 
business  blocks. 

No  city  is  without  its  droshkies;  those  four-wheeled, 
opened,  one-seated  carriages  drawn  by  Siberian  ponies 
and  driven  by  ex-soldiers,  ex-vodka-drinkers,  or  ex- 
exiles.  Russia,  like  France,  can  be  distinguished  from 
every  other  country  in  the  world  by  its  droshky  drivers. 
They  are  an  unchangeable  quantity,  with  the  same 
long,  unkempt  whiskers,  the  same  curly  fur  hats  and 
long  lamb's-wool-lined  coats  and  felt  boots.  Their 
faces  betray  their  ignorance  and  their  innocence,  and 
still,  with  all  their  faults,  they  are  the  sponges  of  Rus- 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     63 

sian  public  opinion.  They  are  the  most  accurate  re- 
porters because  they  have  no  thoughts  of  their  owfl; 
they  repeat  only  what  they  have  heard  their  passengers 
say  or  what  they  have  been  told.  They  disseminate 
news;  they  keep  scandal  alive;  they  absorb  opinion, 
and  they  charge  foreigners  their  maximum  fare  plus 
a  generous  profit.  Their  ambition  is  to  make  their 
gross  receipts  cover  their  expenses  each  day,  and  when 
that  is  done  neither  money  nor  influence  will  cause 
them  to  work  an  hour  longer.  They  are  men  with 
fixed  limits  and  they  know  their  limit  if  nothing  else. 

To  see  these  old,  dishevelled  men  in  their  droshkies 
or  their  sleighs,  and  to  see  the  thousands  of  miles  of 
undeveloped,  snow-covered  land,  is  to  see  Siberia. 
These  two,  the  people  and  the  land,  are  the  coarse, 
untrimmed  dress  of  Siberia.  Everything  else — theatres, 
churches,  and  shops — is  mere  decoration ! 

We  sauntered  about  Harbin,  after  running  the 
gauntlet  of  the  fur  dealers  along  the  line  and  without 
being  disturbed  by  the  Japanese  troops  guarding  the 
railway.  Through  the  narrow  streets  of  the  old  city 
and  the  broad  unimproved  thoroughfares  of  the  "new 
town,"  we  journeyed  in  our  droshky.  In  the  streets 
were  armed  Chinese  soldiers,  the  city  police,  while 
marching  through  the  town  were  Japanese  soldiers. 
Everywhere  there  were  more  Russians  than  all  other 
nationalities  combined.  The  stores  were  generously 
supplied  with  merchandise.  Vodka,  whiskey,  and 
wines  were  for  sale  in  shops  throughout  the  town. 
During  the  day  the  restaurants  were  deserted.  Even 
at  eight  o'clock  one  evening  when  we  went  to  a  so- 
called  "modern"  restaurant  we  found  it  cold  and  un- 


64  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

inviting.  Four  hours  later,  at  midnight,  the  crowd 
began  to  arrive,  and  we  learned  that  "  Harbin  life," 
which  is  famous  in  the  East,  begins  at  the  earliest  hours 
of  the  day.  After  purposely  dining  very  late  one  eve- 
ning we  went  to  the  cabarets,  four  of  them,  and  as 
we  were  leaving  the  last  one  about  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  some  one  called  to  us  in  English: 

"What?    You-all  goin'  home  so  soon?" 

We  looked  around  to  see  an  American  negro  stand- 
ing hi  the  doorway  of  the  cloak-room. 

"What  are  you  doing  here?"  we  asked. 

"Oh,  I  been  battin'  about  this  country  fir  twenty- 
five  years.  I  go  on  at  four  o'clock,"  replied  the  negro. 
"I'm  with  the  'Lusiana  Trio.'  We  sing  after  while. 
You-all  better  stay." 

Here  in  Harbin  were  three  American  negroes  on 
the  stage  of  a  cabaret,  and  their  act  began  at  4  A.  M.  ! 

"How  do  you  like  it  out  here?"  one  of  our  party 
asked: 

"All  right.  Me  and  mah  pals  er  just  pickin'  up  some 
uh  de  loose  money  aroun'  here." 

From  the  appearance  of  the  city  by  day  one  would 
not  think  there  was  "loose  money"  in  Manchuria, 
but  by  midnight  money  is  spent  lavishly  on  vodka, 
champagne,  rich  food,  and  the  "life  of  the  East."  That 
there  should  be  so  much  money  here  to  be  squandered 
was  difficult  for  an  American  to  comprehend. 

Leaving  Harbin  we  journeyed  on  by  easy  stages 
to  Manchuria  City,  the  last  Chinese  station.  All  along 
the  line  from  Vladivostok  to  Manchuria  we  met  the 
American  railway  engineers;  the  practical  men  and 
the  experts  from  the  United  States  who  came  to  Rus- 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     65 

sia  with  John  F.  Stevens  to  take  charge  of  this  railway 
line  under  the  Kerensky  government.  But  at  the  time 
of  my  visit  to  Siberia  they  are  men  without  a  railroad. 
While  they  are  scattered  along  the  route  of  the  Trans- 
Siberian  they  had  no  authority.  They  rode  the  trains, 
they  attempted  to  introduce  modern  systems  of  train 
despatching,  and  for  a  few  hours  every  day  they  con- 
trolled the  telegraph  wire,  transmitting  American  mes- 
sages and  news.  They  were  living  for  the  day  when 
they  could  assume  control  of  the  road  and  make  it  as 
efficient  as  they  had  made  our  own  lines  in  the  United 
States.  But  that  day  is  always  the  day  after  to- 
morrow. (At  this  writing,  although  an  agreement  has 
been  made,  they  are  still  inactive.)  Should  the  time 
ever  come,  however,  when  the  American  engineers  can 
take  hold  of  the  Trans-Siberian,  there  will  be  nothing 
about  this  line  which  they  will  not  know. 

Our  train  was  passing  through  a  small  town  one 
day  when  one  of  the  Red  Cross  nurses  opened  the  win- 
dow to  glimpse  the  station.  Immediately  there  was 
a  call  in  English: 

"Won't  you  please  come  out  here  a  moment.  We 
haven't  seen  an  American  woman  for  nearly  a  year, 
and  we  have  about  forgotten  what  they  look  like." 

It  was  an  American  engineer,  alone  in  a  small  town 
in  Manchuria,  filling  his  place  in  Uncle  Sam's  world- 
wide war  programme;  a  programme  which  will  be, 
if  it  is  not  already,  something  of  a  world-peace  pro- 
gramme also.  And  this  engineer  was  beginning  his 
second  winter  in  Siberia,  almost  a  voluntary  exile. 

In  Manchuria  and  in  Siberia  a  traveller  to-day  meets 
the  representatives  of  two  other  American  organiza- 


66  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

tions,  the  Red  Cross  and  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  It  is  a  com- 
mon sight  to  pass  Y.  M.  C.  A.  freight-cars  en  route 
to  and  from  the  front,  and  in  several  cities  along  the 
line  are  American  hospitals  and  relief  organizations. 
Our  army  may  not  be  very  widely  scattered  in  the 
Far  East,  but  every  other  American  organization  is. 
Day  after  day  we  passed  middle-aged  and  young  men, 
riding  in  box-cars  or  in  dilapidated  second-class  coaches 
— American  men,  most  of  them  volunteers. 

One  meets,  also,  another  class  of  Americans  in  this 
country — the  Russians,  Germans,  Austrians,  and 
Czechs  who  have  lived  in  the  United  States.  From 
Vladivostok  to  Irkutsk,  at  nearly  every  station,  we 
met  some  one  who  could  speak  English,  and  who  said 
that  New  York  or  New  Jersey  or  Pennsylvania  had 
been  their  home  State  before  they  returned  to  Siberia. 

We  were  pushing  our  way  through  the  crowded 
waiting-room  of  the  Manchuria  City  station  when 
some  one  called  to  us  in  English,  recognizing  us  as 
Americans  by  our  uniforms: 

"She's  a  fine-looking  girl,  isn't  she?" 

We  looked  around  to  see  a  young  Russian  pointing 
to  a  Russian  girl  conversing  with  the  station-master. 

" Where  did  you  come  from?"  That  was  our  in- 
variable reply  to  such  greetings. 

"Oh,  I've  been  in  Canada  and  New  York  seven 
years,"  was  his  reply. 

At  another  very  small  village  near  Lake  Baikal  a 
young  girl  came  to  the  train  saying:  "You  Amer- 
icans?" To  our  reply  that  we  were,  she  said:  "I  been 
in  New  York  in  'milliner'  shop." 

A  few  experiences  such  as  these  soon  convince  one 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     67 

that  Siberia  is  not  as  far  from  the  United  States  as 
many  of  us  have  imagined.  I  was  walking  through 
the  railroad  yards  of  Sema  one  afternoon,  when  I  spied 
some  German  war  prisoners  in  a  box-car.  Climbing 
in  I  found  seven  Germans  and  Austrians;  the  tailors 
and  shoemakers  for  a  company  of  Cossacks. 

"I  have  been  seven  years  in  Reading,  Pennsylvania," 
said  one  of  the  men.  "I  have  a  brother  there,  Mathias 
Simon,  but  I  haven't  heard  from  him  in  thirteen 
months." 

"Are  you  married?"  I  asked. 

"Yes,  I  have  a  wife  and  baby  in  Budapest." 

"Do  you  know  that  Austria  and  Germany  have 
made  peace." 

"No!"  he  inquired,  hopelessly  astonished.  "Then 
why  don't  they  let  us  go  home?" 

With  these  words  he  echoed  the  wish  of  every  war 
prisoner  in  Siberia.  I  met  many  hundreds  of  them  in 
all  parts  of  the  country  and  their  only  question  has 
been:  "When  do  you  think  we  can  go  home?"  To 
some  of  them  I  have  spoken  about  the  war,  asking: 

"Well,  when  you  do  get  back,  will  you  be  ready  again 
for  another  war?" 

Their  answers  have  been  a  chorus  of  "Never  again, 
if  we  have  anything  to  say  about  it."  In  this  respect 
Siberia  has  been  a  great  pacifier. 

From  Manchuria  City  we  moved  on  to  Siberia,  but 
not  without  having  the  customary  experience  with 
smugglers.  In  Manchuria  everything  from  tobacco  to 
liquor  and  food,  and  from  clothing  to  raw  materials,  is 
plentiful.  In  Siberia  many  of  the  commonest  articles 
are  luxuries.  And  on  every  train  there  are  smugglers, 


68  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Chinamen  and  Russians,  who  carry  everything  they 
can  across  the  border.  Two  Chinamen  climbed  on 
the  engine  of  the  Red  Cross  special  train  and  arrived 
safely  in  Siberia.  Although  they  admitted  that  they 
had  smuggled  tobacco  and  white  flour,  there  was  no 
one  at  the  Siberian  station  to  arrest  them,  and  they 
proceeded  on  their  way  as  if  it  were  quite  the  ordinary 
thing  to  do. 

It  was  only  a  short  ride  between  the  two  border 
stations,  and  before  we  left  Manchuria  another  corre- 
spondent and  I  were  in  the  office  of  the  station-master, 
on  the  second  floor  of  the  depot.  While  we  were  wait- 
ing there  a  train  of  box-cars  arrived.  Looking  out  of 
the  window  the  official  said: 

" Another  load  of  smugglers  on  then1  way!" 

He  seemed  resigned  to  his  position  and  to  his  help- 
lessness. Smuggling  in  this  part  of  the  world  is  rapidly 
becoming  legitimate,  or  perhaps  legal,  because  it  is 
now  the  custom  of  the  country.  In  normal  times 
smuggling  was  confined  to  tobacco,  hides,  sugar,  and 
flour,  but  to-day  the  stakes  are  higher.  Gold,  silver, 
and  platinum,  fire-arms  and  other  weapons  bring  the 
greatest  rewards  and  the  severest  punishment.  But 
the  smugglers  consider  the  game  worth  the  gamble. 

Tchita  is  one  of  the  greatest  trading  centres  in  east- 
ern Siberia,  because  years  before  the  Siberian  railroad 
was  constructed  the  caravan  routes  of  the  East  cen- 
tred here.  Even  to-day  one  can  see  the  caravans  of 
camels  and  others  of  horses  and  ponies  bringing  in 
raw  materials  from  Mongolia,  Manchuria,  and  northern 
Siberia.  In  several  places  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway 
follows  the  old  caravan  routes,  and  from  car  windows 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     69 

may  be  seen  the  slowly  moving  columns  making  their 
way  through  the  snow.  The  riches  of  the  East  still 
travel  this  way,  because  to  most  communities  the  rail- 
road is  unknown.  Glance  at  the  map  of  Siberia  and 
you  will  see  an  empire  at  least  twice  as  large  as  the 
United  States.  Imagine  one  railroad  running  from 
New  York  via  Chicago  to  San  Francisco,  and  no  other 
railways  in  the  United  States,  and  you  will  have  some 
idea  of  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  square  miles  of 
territory  in  Siberia  without  railway  communication. 
In  America  the  railroads  cover  the  country  like  a 
fine  net.  In  Siberia  the  railroad  is  scarcely  more  than 
a  thread.  And  these  caravans  which  pass  through 
Tchita  are  the  shuttles;  the  slowly  moving  shuttles 
between  Tchita  and  hundreds  of  cities  and  towns  3,000 
miles  away. 

Tchita,  however,  despite  the  fact  that  it  was  once 
the  home  of  exiles,  especially  the  revolutionists  of  the 
early  nineteenth  century,  is  to-day  a  busy  city  with 
modern  business  houses  and  schools.  In  Vladivostok 
and  Khabarovsk  I  had  seen  similar  evidences  of  prog- 
ress and  modern  civilization,  but  Tchita  seems  to  have 
been  reserved  for  the  greatest  surprise. 

I  was  walking  about  the  city  one  day  when  I  saw, 
what  is  now  a  very  usual  sight,  hundreds  of  school 
children  on  their  way  to  school.  It  is  difficult  for  an 
American  to  comprehend  Russia's  educational  system 
before  the  war,  because  only  the  children  of  the  bour- 
geoisie could  attend.  Jewish  children  and  those  of  the 
peasants  and  poor  could  not  attend  the  public  schools. 
Education  was  forbidden  to  them.  But  to-day,  and 
only  since  the  revolution  of  March,  1917,  education  is 


70  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

free  to  all  and  every  schoolhouse  and  classroom  is 
crowded.  None  of  the  schools  of  Siberia  can  accom- 
modate all  those  who  wish  to  attend. 

Seeing  the  children  of  Tchita,  bundled  in  their  torn 
garments  and  furs,  on  their  way  to  school,  eager  and 
happy,  I  followed  with  several  other  Americans  and 
entered  the  gymnasium.  One  of  our  party,  who  spoke 
Russian,  introduced  us  to  the  principal  and  we  were 
escorted  from  classroom  to  classroom.  Everywhere 
the  condition  was  the  same.  The  children  were  crowded 
in  their  seats.  They  were  studying  arithmetic,  read- 
ing, and  writing,  and  in  one  room  we  were  shown  the 
very  limited  number  of  instruments  which  were  used 
in  the  physics  and  astronomical  laboratories. 

As  we  were  about  to  leave,  the  principal  led  us  to 
a  large  classroom  in  one  corner  of  the  big  structure. 
It  was  a  spacious,  light  room  with  various  art  objects, 
plaster  casts  and  still-life  studies  arranged  on  a  long 
table  against  the  wall.  In  the  centre  of  the  room  were 
some  sixty  girls  standing  before  their  easels,  drawing 
or  copying  a  plaster  cast  with  intense  interest  in  their 
work.  Here  in  Tchita,  Siberia,  the  last  place  in  the 
world  that  I  had  expected  to  find  such  a  thing,  was  an 
art  school.  One  who  has  never  been  in  Siberia,  who 
has  imagined  it  a  wilderness  and  only  a  prison  for  polit- 
ical prisoners,  can  perhaps  comprehend  our  astonish- 
ment. Art,  of  all  things,  in  Siberia !  What  a  mockery 
in  the  face  of  the  revolution ! 

To  pass  from  this  scene  to  the  snow-covered  streets 
of  the  city  and  see  a  Russian  soldier  astride  a  horse, 
going  from  house  to  house  with  a  telegram,  in  search 
of  the  man  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  was  to  pass  from 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     71 

the  sublime  to  the  riduculous.  The  soldier  had  a  tele- 
gram for  an  officer  whose  address  was  unknown  be- 
cause there  was  no  city  directory  or  police  register, 
and  he  was  searching  for  him. 

From  Tchita  to  Irkutsk  is  the  Switzerland  of  Si- 
beria. It  is  said  by  all  travellers  that  the  Lake  Baikal 
district  is  the  most  beautiful  section  of  this  great  em- 
pire, and  after  one  has  made  the  journey  by  day  in 
winter,  one  does  not  hesitate  hi  joining  those  who  have 
praised  it.  To  awaken  early  in  the  morning  while 
the  train  is  skirting  the  shores  of  the  lake,  and  to  see 
the  sun  rise  behind  the  snow-capped  peaks  of  the  moun- 
tains on  the  opposite  shore,  perhaps  twenty-five  miles 
across  the  placid  blue  lake,  is  to  witness  one  of  the 
most  wonderful  scenes  in  the  world.  Last  winter  I 
was  in  Switzerland.  During  the  winter  of  1916  and 
1917  I  travelled  through  the  Transylvania  Alps  and 
the  mountains  of  Bavaria.  En  route  to  the  Far  East 
I  crossed  the  Rockies  and  the  Sierra  Nevada.  For 
grandeur  and  mass,  few  of  these  mountain  ranges  can 
compare  with  the  Baikal  range,  although  the  Swiss 
and  French  Alps  are  higher,  and  although  the  passes 
through  Transylvania  are  picturesque  and  beautiful, 
I  know  of  no  scene  to  compare  with  that  from  the  east- 
ern shore  of  Lake  Baikal  on  a  clear  winter  morning 
before  the  lake  is  frozen  over.  Its  massiveness  may 
be  comprehended  when  one  realizes  that  Lake  Baikal 
is  one  of  the  five  largest  lakes  in  the  world;  that  it 
is  400  miles  long  and  between  eighteen  and  fifty-six 
miles  wide,  with  a  mountain  range  more  than  a  mile 
above  the  lake  stretching  along  the  western  shore  like 
lace  against  a  background  of  gold  and  blue  clouds. 


72  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Over  the  lake  the  sun  appears,  copper-gold  in  color, 
contrasting  sharply  with  the  silver  sunrises  and  sun- 
sets farther  east  in  the  birch  forests. 

Into  this  country  some  of  the  Allied  troops  have 
come.  The  Japanese  flag  flies  from  nearly  every  station 
from  Vladivostok  to  Irkutsk.  Here  and  there  wave 
the  colors  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks,  the  simple  red  and 
white  banner  of  the  new  nation  whose  army  is  locked 
in  Siberia.  From  a  few  stations  and  public  buildings 
flies  the  emblem  of  free  Russia,  the  white,  blue,  and 
red.  The  French  tricolor,  the  Union  Jack,  and  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  are  not  seen  after  one  leaves  Vladi- 
vostok, except  on  passing  trains. 

Between  Vladivostok  and  Irkutsk  the  only  evi- 
dences of  a  Russian  army  are  the  officers,  and  there 
are  a  sufficient  number  of  these  to  command  two  new 
Russian  armies.  The  privates  have  all  disappeared 
into  private  life,  excepting  those  who  travel  with  the 
officers  as  orderlies  or  " guards  of  honor."  Day  by 
day  our  train  passed  special  trams  of  Russian  officers 
attached  to  this  and  that  army  several  thousand  miles 
away  from  the  front,  transporting  artillery  and  auto- 
mobiles from  town  to  city  and  back  again.  What 
there  is  of  a  Russian  army  to-day  is  on  wheels,  and 
apparently  there  is  no  place  to  go.  But  when  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  stopped  fighting  the  army,  under  Ad- 
miral Koltshak,  was  given  new  life. 

With  the  Czecho-Slovaks  this  is  not  the  case.  Every 
one  in  Russia  knows  that  it  is  the  Czecho-Slovak  army 
which  kept  the  Bolsheviki  forces  out  of  Siberia.  To 
the  Czechs  and  to  them  alone  belongs  the  credit  for 
the  order  which  exists  in  eastern  and  western  Siberia, 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     73 

excepting,  perhaps,  in  the  few  cities  where  the  other 
Allies  are  stationed.  The  Czechs  are  not  strutting 
on  the  war  stage  of  the  East.  They  are  not  even  asking 
for  praise.  Their  business  is  fighting,  and  they  were 
doing  theh1  work  quietly  and  splendidly  before  the 
armistice.  Enter  any  Siberian  city  and  call  at  the 
Czech  headquarters.  You  will  not  find  a  general  or 
even  a  colonel  or  major  hi  charge.  You  may  find  a 
captain,  but  the  chances  are  that  a  lieutenant  and 
non-commissioned  officer  will  greet  you,  because  the 
Czech  army  is  a  working  army  and  more  attention  is 
paid  to  work  than  to  rank.  Where  there  are  thou- 
sands of  Russian  officers  and  dozens  of  privates  there 
are  thousands  of  Czech  soldiers  and  a  few  officers. 
Most  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  was  at  the  front, 
the  front  which  they  made  hi  a  foreign  country,  in 
their  fight  for  their  own  freedom  and  independence. 

Travelling  from  Irkutsk  to  Ekaterinburg  one  passes 
through  two  important  cities,  Tomsk  and  Omsk.  The 
former  has  been  for  many  years  the  educational  centre 
of  Siberia.  A  large  university  is  located  there,  where 
refugee  students  and  professors  from  all  sections  of 
Russia  have  gathered  since  the  Bolsheviki  began  to 
persecute  the  educated  as  well  as  the  rich  and  pro- 
fessional citizens.  The  great  white  varsity  buildings 
cover  several  acres  of  ground  and  compare  favorably 
with  many  prominent  American  universities.  It  re- 
sembles, perhaps  better  than  any  university  I  have 
seen,  the  famous  old  institution  in  Geneva,  Switzerland. 

The  attitude  of  the  Bolsheviki  toward  the  educated 
classes  was  illustrated  for  me  by  a  professor  of  the 
University  of  Moscow,  who  had  been  and  is  still  a 


74  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

representative  of  the  Russian  Co-operative  Unions, 
and  an  instructor  on  their  general  board.  Throughout 
the  war  and  the  revolution  he  has  been  travelling  in 
Russia  from  Wilna  to  Vladivostok  and  from  Arch- 
angel to  Tashkent  on  business  for  the  unions.  After 
the  Bolshevist  revolution  he  appeared  hi  Tashkent 
as  Professor  "Z,"  of  the  University  of  Moscow,  but 
he  had  not  been  there  many  hours  until  he  learned 
that  his  life  was  in  danger  because  he  was  a  "profes- 
sor," and  therefore  an  " intellectual,"  and  a  member 
of  the  "old  regime." 

He  was  arrested  and  taken  before  the  local  Soviet 
on  the  charge  of  carrying  on  propaganda  as  a  "pro- 
fessor." 

"But  I  am  not  a  'professor/  "  he  told  the  commis- 
sars. "I  am  an  instructor  in  the  Co-operative  Unions. 
Here  is  my  card." 

Those  who  could  read  scanned  his  credentials  but 
looked  at  him  sceptically  because  he  wore  eye-glasses. 
Finally  they  released  him,  being  convinced  that  he 
was  only  an  "instructor,"  and  the  Red  revolution 
officially  recognized  "instructors"  as  workmen! 

Tomsk,  being  an  educational  centre,  has  exerted  a 
deal  of  influence  upon  Siberian  and  Russian  politics. 
During  the  tune  the  Siberian  Government,  with  head- 
quarters in  Omsk,  controlled  the  country,  several  im- 
portant political  meetings  and  conventions  were  held 
there.  Tomsk  is  the  home  of  Premier  Vologodsky  of 
the  All-Russian  Government  and  the  present  premier 
acting  under  the  dictator,  Admiral  Koltshak.  Tomsk 
is  also,  next  to  Ekaterinburg,  the  most  beautiful  city 
in  this  part  of  Russia. 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     75 

Omsk  has  gained  its  fame  and  importance  only  as 
a  seat  of  the  government.  After  the  convention  held 
at  Ufa  during  the  summer,  when  all  of  the  local  gov- 
ernments of  Siberia,  Archangel,  and  the  Urals  formed 
the  All-Russian  Government,  Omsk  was  selected  as 
the  temporary  capital  and  the  directory  and  cabinet 
opened  offices  there.  The  National  Assembly,  which 
was  controlled  by  the  industrial  workers  of  the  left 
wing  of  the  Social  Revolutionists,  by  men  with  very 
extreme  views,  held  themselves  somewhat  aloof  of 
the  central  government,  and  made  Ekaterinburg  the 
seat  of  the  national  Parliament. 

From  Omsk  one  journeys  to  Ekaterinburg,  the  city 
which  became  famous  with  the  discovery  of  the 
platinum  and  gold  mines  near  by  and  the  Ural  stones, 
such  as  alexandrites,  emeralds,  rubies,  sapphires,  aqua 
marines,  etc.  Ekaterinburg  is  also  one  of  the  largest 
industrial  cities  in  the  Ural  Mountains.  It  is  a  city 
of  palaces  built  by  mine  owners,  millers,  and  stone 
merchants.  Until  1905  the  chief  government  mint  was 
located  here,  and  to-day  the  low  brick  buildings,  en- 
closed by  a  high  brick  wall,  still  stand,  deserted  and 
goldless. 

Politically,  in  addition  to  its  importance  as  the 
former  meeting-place  of  the  National  Assembly,  it  is 
the  present  headquarters  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  Na- 
tional Council  in  Russia. 

In  Ekaterinburg  I  remained  until  Thanksgiving 
Day,  walking  and  riding  about  the  beautiful  city  in 
an  old  sleigh  which  I  hired  daily  at  the  station,  pay- 
ing from  ninety  to  one  hundred  roubles  per  day  for  its 
use! 


76  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

The  city  was  renowned  before  the  war  as  the 
platinum  centre  of  the  world.  From  the  Ekaterinburg 
mines  came  ninety  per  cent  of  the  world's  platinum 
supply,  and  after  the  city  was  captured  by  the  Czecho- 
slovaks American,  English,  French,  and  Japanese 
officials  came  here  to  bid  against  each  other  for  this 
valuable  metal  which  was  of  such  supreme  importance 
during  the  war.  But  that  which  made  Ekaterinburg 
famous  was  not  the  mines  nor  the  great  monastery 
founded  by  Katherine  the  Great,  but  the  residence  of 
Professor  Ipatieff  in  which  the  Tzar,  Nikolas  II,  and 
his  family  were  imprisoned  until  they  mysteriously 
disappeared  in  July,  1918. 

During  my  stay  in  the  city  I  devoted  a  great  deal 
of  tune  to  the  investigation  of  the  Romanoff's  fate, 
and  the  story  of  the  circumstances  of  his  imprison- 
ment and  trial  (related  in  Chapter  V)  throw  an 
interesting  search-light  upon  the  methods  of  the  Work- 
ingmen's  Union  of  Soldiers,  Sailors,  and  Cossacks  in 
handling  the  "  aristocracy." 

This  section  of  Siberia,  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Urals, 
is  the  whirlpool  of  Russia.    Gone  are  the  days  when 
the  proud  armies  of  the  Romanoffs  march  through 
capitals  and  villages  singing: 
"Who  were  our  grandmothers?" 
"Our  grandmothers  were  the  white  tents." 
"And  who  were  our  grandfathers?" 
"Our  grandfathers  were  the  Tzar's  victories." 
Chaos  rules  Russia  to-day  with  greater  power  than 
the  Romanoffs  possessed  in  their  regal  days,  for  not 
only  is  Russia  at  the  mercy  of  universal  chaos,  but  the 
Allies  and  the  Great  Powers  are  seemingly  powerless. 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     77 

That  Russia's  civil  war  is  not  ended,  and  that  it  will 
be  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  peace  in 
Russia  to  be  made  at  any  European  conference,  are 
two  impressions  which  become  convictions  as  one 
travels  to-day  through  Siberia  to  European  Russia— 
to  Ekaterinburg  and  Cheliabinsk,  the  headquarters  of 
the  Czecho-Slovak  armies.  From  Vladivostok  to  the 
Ural  Mountains  Russia  assumes  her  common  dress 
of  chaos;  the  garb  the  Tzar  cut  and  the  revolution 
sewed  for  the  land  and  the  people.  Everywhere  the 
people  ask:  "When  shall  we  have  peace  in  Russia?" 
and  from  all  sides  comes  the  answer:  "I  don't  know," 
or  "Nitchevo." 

Russia  is  the  supreme  tragedy  of  the  war.  The 
invasion  of  Belgium  in  1914  was  ruthless  and  criminal, 
but  Belgium  had  friends  who  came  to  her  help;  neigh- 
bors who  knew  the  danger  and  who  understood  con- 
ditions in  that  heroic  country.  The  sympathy  for 
Belgium  which  was  so  universal  and  real,  even  in  the 
United  States,  was  a  source  of  wonderful  help  to 
the  Belgian  people.  But  as  for  Siberia  and  Russia, 
during  their  days  of  trial  the  world  looked  on  with 
cold  pity.  But  while  the  rest  of  the  world  hesitated 
the  Bolsheviki  worked  to  further  disorganize  and  dis- 
grace Russia.  Trotsky  stated  recently,  according 
to  the  Siberian  newspapers,  that  Russia's  civil  war 
would  last  fifty  years.  If  this  is  a  good  forecast;  if 
Russia  is  to  be  another  Mexico,  except  on  a  grander 
scale,  then  Russia's  civil  war  is  not  only  not  ended  but 
it  is  just  beginning,  and  the  overthrow  of  the  Tzar  and 
the  Red  army  reign  of  terror  are  the  prologue  and 
preface  to  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  tragic  national 


78  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

dramas  in  history.  And  who  to-day  can  doubt  Trot- 
sky's statement  when  there  is  no  more  a  recognized 
central  government  even  in  Siberia,  and  when  bands  of 
revolutionary  generals  and  soldiers  seize  cities,  towns, 
and  provinces  and  exact  tribute;  when  in  European 
Russia  the  Bolsheviki  and  the  Allies  fight  near  Kieff; 
when  General  Denekin  and  his  army  of  Cossacks  march 
across  southern  Russia;  when  the  Czecho-Slovak 
armies  hold  the  Ural  Mountain  front,  and  when  a  dic- 
tator rules  in  Omsk  who  is  not  recognized  by  leaders 
in  all  other  parts  of  Siberia?  What  is  there  but  chaos, 
chaos  everywhere,  when  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
refugees  live  in  box-cars  and  are  shuttled  from  freight- 
yard  to  freight-yard;  when  factories  are  closed  be- 
cause of  strikes  or  a  lack  of  raw  materials;  when  any 
one  and  every  one  can  have  a  special  train  or  car  with- 
out paying  for  it  or  without  buying  railway  tickets; 
when  the  educated  stand  at  street-corners  selling  their 
old  clothes  to  pay  their  living  expenses;  when  banks 
are  robbed  and  people  murdered  with  the  guilty  escap- 
ing prosecution  and  arrest?  Russia  is  in  that  sad  state 
where  civilization  is  a  mockery. 

And  the  pity  of  it  is  that  no  one  seems  to  know  what 
should  be  done  to  help  Russia,  or,  if  there  is  some  one 
person  or  some  great  nation  which  knows,  either  power 
or  decision  is  lacking.  Russia  to-day,  is  a  prostrate 
patient,  baffling  the  greatest  political  specialists  in 
the  world.  Some  advocate  an  army,  others  maintain 
that  an  efficient  and  effective  army  is  impossible.  Some 
leaders  believe  in  Allied  military  intervention,  but  sol- 
diers throughout  the  world  are  weary  of  fighting.  The 
militant  spark  which  makes  men  fight  is  dimmed.  The 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH     79 

war  is  over  in  Europe  and  the  common  masses  here  do 
not  understand  why  the  war  does  not  end  in  Russia. 

Opposing  these  military  specialists  are  others  who 
believe  that  Russia  should  be  left  alone  to  work  out 
her  own  destiny;  to  fight  a  fratricidal  war  until  the 
strong  survive  and  the  weak  perish.  Others  believe 
that  Russia  Should  be  fed  and  clothed  and  rehabilitated 
economically.  No  two  nations  agree,  while  the  Russian 
people  look  first  to  Omsk,  then  to  Moscow  and  Petro- 
grad,  or  Washington,  Vladivostok,  Paris,  or  London, 
expecting  all  the  while  to  see  the  sun  rise  on  a  new 
era  but  witnessing  daily  the  same  red  sunset,  ending 
a  day  of  terror  and  forecasting  another  day  of  strife 
and  suffering. 

From  Vladivostok  to  Ekaterinburg,  Asiatic  Russia 
takes  on  its  real  appearance,  as  an  empire  without 
order. 

But  this  is  not  new.  Russia  has  been  disorganized 
and  disturbed  long  before  the  revolution.  The  revo- 
lution only  raised  the  curtain  for  the  whole  world  to 
see  the  spectacle.  There  was  bribery  and  corruption 
before;  the  government  was  disorganized;  people 
were  dissatisfied;  the  railroads  were  overburdened; 
there  were  traffic  tie-ups,  crowded  prisons,  plots  and 
complots.  The  story  of  Russia  to-day  is  not  new; 
it  is  only  a  new  version,  but,  what  makes  it  important, 
perhaps  more  important  to-day  than  ever  before,  is 
that  the  United  States  and  the  Allies  promised  to  help 
Russia  and  the  Russian  people  want  to  know  where 
that  help  is  and  when  it  may  be  expected.  They  also 
wish  to  know  what  kind  of  aid  is  to  be  forthcoming: 
economic,  political,  social,  moral,  or  military.  One 


80  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

soon  learns  how  keen  is  this  Russian  wish  when  one 
traverses  that  part  of  Russia  along  the  Trans-Siberian 
Railway  between  Irkutsk  and  the  present  front.  Per- 
haps that  part  of  the  world  which  is  fifteen  thousand 
miles  away  does  not  wish  to  be  disturbed  by  the  situa- 
tion in  Russia,  but  the  fact  remains  that  here,  in  this 
part  of  the  world,  several  million  people  are  interested 
in  knowing  whether  or  no  the  Allies  intend  to  keep 
their  promises.  It  does  not  matter  so  much  what  is 
being  said  and  thought  about  Russia  in  the  other  sec- 
tion of  the  universe  as  it  does  what  this  country  is 
saying  about  the  Allies  and  America.  And  it  is  the 
opinion  and  sentiment  of  central  Siberia  that  I  shall 
give  in  twelve  statements  which  I  heard  during  my 
journey  in  November  and  December  from  Irkutsk  to 
Ekaterinburg  and  back  again.  This  is  to  be  a  state- 
ment of  what  others  think  of  us.  In  the  words  of  the 
latest  song  hit  in  Moscow: 

"Forget  your  fireplaces,  the  fires  have  gone  out." 

Think  about  Russia ! 

In  a  few  sentences  these  are  some  of  the  expressions 
one  hears  in  Russia  to-day  about  America,  Russia, 
and  the  Allies: 

1.  Russia  can  never  help  herself  to  order.    There 
never  will  be  a  strong  government  in  Russia  until  the 
Allies  establish  such  a  government  and  maintain  it. 

2.  Without  military  aid  from  the  Allies  the  Bol- 
sheviki  will  never  be  overthrown. 

3.  If  all  foreigners  would  get  out  of  Russia  and  let 
the  Russian  people  alone  there  would  soon  be  order 
here. 


IN  THE  WHIRLPOOL  OF  THE  NORTH    81 

4.  A  military  dictatorship  is  the  only  solution  of 
Russia's  present  problems. 

5.  The  Russian  people  want  a  monarchy.    A  Social- 
istic government  is  not  the  wish  of  a  majority  of  the 
people. 

6.  The  Social  Revolutionists  made  the  first  revolu- 
tion a  success,  and  Russia's  salvation  lies  in  their 
hands. 

7.  Give  Russia  food,  household  supplies,  clothing, 
raw  materials,   and   other  supplies,   distribute   them 
without  favor  and  at  reasonable  prices,  and  Russia  will 
work  out  her  own  destiny. 

8.  Let  the  Japanese  come  in. 

9.  Keep  the  Japanese  out  of  Russia. 

10.  Reorganize  the  Russian  army,  supply  it  with 
war-materials,  and  the  new  army  will  save  Russia. 

11.  But  don't  give  Russia  to  Germany. 

12.  Some  nation  will  get  Russia  if  the  Allies  do  not 
come  in  now.    What  has  become  of  the  Allied  promises 
to  help  Russia? 

These  are  twelve  main  varieties  of  opinions  expressed 
among  inhabitants  and  foreigners  of  Asiatic  Russia 
to-day.  I  believe  this  represents,  also,  the  chief  views 
of  Russians  of  all  classes  and  from  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, excepting  the  Bolsheviki,  because  Siberian  Russia 
does  not  represent  to-day  what  it  represented  before 
the  Bolsheviki  uprisings.  Siberian-Russian  opinion 
is  the  opinion  of  Bolshevikiless  Russia,  because  in  every 
city  of  Asiatic  Russia  to-day  are  political  leaders,  of- 
ficers, merchants,  landowners,  peasants,  traders,  doc- 
tors, lawyers,  and  laborers  from  Petrograd,  Moscow, 
Libau,  Riga,  Kowno,  Wilna,  Brest-Litovsk,  Kharkoff, 


82  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Kieff,  Odessa,  and  elsewhere.  They  have  come  here 
to  escape  the  Bolshevik!  and,  if  they  can,  to  help  Rus- 
sia to  overthrow  the  Bolsheviki.  I  met  men  and  women 
from  all  parts  of  European  Russia  on  my  two  trips 
across  central  Siberia.  These  people  are  living  in 
Omsk,  Ekaterinburg,  Tomsk,  Tiumen,  Taiga,  Irkutsk, 
Cheliabinsk,  Marinsk,  and  other  cities,  awaiting  the 
day  when  Russia  makes  peace  with  herself  and  they 
can  return  to  their  homes.  "To  our  homes,"  and  not 
"To  the  front,"  is  the  cry  of  the  Russian  people  to- 
day. If  the  wish  of  these  people  could  be  expressed 
in  a  few  words  it  would  be  this:  "Let  us  live  at  home 
in  peace." 

How  this  wish  can  be  realized  is  the  problem  of 
Russia.  How  the  people  can  be  helped  to  attain  it 
is  the  problem  of  the  United  States  and  the  Allies — 
the  nucleus  of  a  league  of  nations. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR 

THE  fate  of  the  former  imperial  family  of  Russia 
is  one  of  the  great  mysteries  of  the  war.  The  last  place 
in  which  they  are  known  to  have  been  imprisoned  is 
Ekaterinburg,  that  beautiful  snow-white  city  with 
broad  thoroughfares  and  palaces — the  jewel  of  the 
Ural  Mountains. 

To  Ekaterinburg  Nikolas  II,  his  wife,  daughters, 
son,  physicians,  and  servants  were  removed  under  a 
strong  Bolshevist  guard  from  Tobolsk,  a  city  300 
versts  from  the  nearest  railroad-station  to  which 
they  had  been  taken  from  Petrograd  for  "  safety." 

It  was  April,  1918,  when  a  committee  from  the  Ural 
District  Soviet  of  Workingmen,  Cossacks,  Soldiers, 
and  Sailors  called  upon  Professor  Ipatieff,  the  owner  of 
one  of  the  largest  and  finest  homes  in  the  city,  de- 
manding that  he  give  up  his  residence  immediately. 
They  did  not  state  their  reasons  but  ordered  him  out. 

The  Ipatieff  palace  was  built  on  one  of  the  main 
thoroughfares  of  the  city,  not  far  from  the  spacious 
white  residence  of  the  " Platinum  King"  of  the  world. 
Mr.  Ipatieff  was  an  engineer  and  a  leading  citizen  of 
the  community.  His  house  was  of  cement  and  stone 
construction,  also  painted  white,  and  modern  in  every 
respect.  This  residence,  which  was  destined  to  be 

83 


84  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

the  last  known  prison  for  the  Tzar  and  his  family, 
was  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  British  and  French 
consulates.  In  front  was  a  wide,  open  square,  in  the 
centre  of  which  stands  one  of  the  numerous  cathedrals 
of  the  city.  To  the  left  as  neighbors  the  Tzar  had 
some  of  the  poorest  citizens.  They  lived  in  uninviting 
log  or  frame  huts.  To  the  right,  across  the  side  street, 
was  a  large  two-story  red  brick  residence  surrounded 
by  a  brick  wall.  From  the  upper  windows  of  this  house 
one  could  see  into  the  small  garden  in  the  rear  of  the 
Ipatieff  residence,  even  after  the  Bolsheviki  built  a 
twenty-foot  board  fence  around  the  " Tzar's  house." 
It  was  in  this  garden  that  the  former  imperial  family 
was  permitted  its  only  recreation  and  fresh  air  during 
the  eighty  days  the  members  were  imprisoned  there. 

After  receiving  the  Bolshevist  command  Professor 
Ipatieff  moved  without  delay.  He  was  an  "intellec- 
tual" and  an  " aristocrat,"  and  realized  that  the  quicker 
he  left  the  safer  he  would  be.  This  was  about  the  25th 
of  April.  Within  a  few  days  the  Tzar,  the  Tzarina, 
and  their  daughter  Mary  arrived,  accompanied  by 
one  of  the  physicians  who  had  attended  the  Empress, 
who  suffered  from  heart  trouble  and  rheumatism. 
The  Tzarevitch  and  other  daughters  were  delayed 
because  of  the  illness  of  the  boy,  but  within  a  week  the 
family  was  united  inside  the  white  house  and  board 
fence,  guarded  by  some  twenty  Bolshevist  soldiers 
of  the  Red  Guard,  said  to  have  been  recruited  espe- 
cially from  the  mines  and  factories  near  by. 

The  former  royal  family  entered  the  house  under 
heavy  guard  through  the  main  entrance  on  the  public 
square,  which  led  directly  into  the  rooms  on  the  second 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  85 

floor.  Professor  Ipatieff  had  been  living  In  these 
rooms,  while  on  the  first  floor  lived  his  servants,  who 
used  the  side-street  entrance. 

Entering  the  house,  the  Tzar  and  his  wife  were 
''escorted,"  if  not  ordered,  through  the  reception-hall 
and  past  one  of  the  private  rooms  already  filled  with 
soldiers,  to  the  large  drawing-room  which  Professor 
Ipatieff  used  when  receiving  guests.  All  of  the  furni- 
ture and  carpets  remained  as  he  had  left  them. 

Suspended  from  the  ceiling  was  a  large  crystal 
electric  chandelier,  imported  from  Italy,  and  on  the 
walls  hung  valuable  oil-paintings.  The  furniture  of 
carved  oak  was  modern,  expensive,  and  comfortable. 
To  the  left,  as  the  Tzar  entered,  he  saw  another  room 
the  other  side  of  an  arch.  This  room  was  assigned  to 
him  as  a  study.  The  Tzarina's  wheel-chair,  which 
had  been  brought  from  Tobolsk,  was  placed  before 
one  of  the  wide  plate-glass  windows  looking  out  upon 
the  inside  of  the  high  board  fence  through  heavy  iron 
bars  which  had  been  fastened  in  the  walls  outside  the 
windows.  Directly  in  front  of  the  former  imperial 
leaders,  as  they  stood  at  the  entrance  to  the  reception- 
room,  were  two  large  oak  doors  leading  into  the  dining- 
room.  To  their  left  were  the  kitchen,  pantry,  bath- 
room (one  of  the  few  private  bathrooms  in  the  city), 
and  another  room  which  was  later  used  by  the  former 
Empress's  maid. 

The  Bolshevist  commissars  of  Ekaterinburg  led  the 
royal  couple  through  the  dining-room  into  two  smaller 
rooms  facing  the  side  street.  One  of  these  was  assigned 
to  the  Tzar,  his  wife,  and  son  as  a  bedroom.  The  other 
was  designated  as  the  living  and  sleeping  room  for 


86  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

the  four  daughters,  although  no  beds  or  cots  were 
provided. 

Alone  for  a  few  brief  moments  in  these  rooms  the 
Tzarina  walked  to  the  window,  drew  aside  the  portieres 
and  looked  with  a  fainting  heart  through  iron  bars  upon 
the  rough  interior  of  the  board  fence  which  obstructed 
entirely  what  was  once  a  beautiful  view  of  the  cathedral 
square  and  the  "Platinum  King's"  palace,  not  more 
than  200  feet  away  and  now  occupied  by  soldiers  of 
the  Red  army.  But  these  the  former  Empress  could 
not  see.  Above  the  fence  were  visible  only  the  vast, 
free,  pale-blue  heavens. 

Turning  to  the  Tzar  and  asking  for  a  pencil,  she  again 
drew  the  curtains  aside  and  wrote  on  the  frame  of 
the  window  "April  30,  1918,"  the  day  of  her  arrival 
and  the  first  day  of  her  eighty  days  of  suffering  and 
anguish  in  Ekaterinburg,  prisoner  of  her  husband's 
former  subjects. 

During  my  sojourn  in  the  city  I  had  several  oppor- 
tunities of  going  through  the  house  with  Czech  officers 
and  Professor  Ipatieff.  From  numerous  sources  I 
learned  what  transpired  in  this  house  between  the 
30th  of  April  and  July  16,  but  I  doubt  whether  even 
the  details,  which  these  witnesses  give,  fully  describe 
the  terrible  torture  which  the  Romanoffs  were  forced 
to  endure.  The  account  of  one  eye-witness,  the  former 
Tzar's  personal  valet,  I  shall  give  in  detail,  because, 
unabridged  and  uncensored,  it  is  one  of  the  greatest 
known  indictments  of  "revolutionary  red  justice." 

This  account  of  the  Tzar's  last  days  under  the  Bol- 
sheviki  was  written  by  Parfen  Alexeivitch  Dominin, 
who  for  twenty-two  years  served  the  Tzar  as  his  ma- 
jordomo,  accompanied  him  into  exile,  and  remained 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  87 

with  his  imperial  master  until  the  early  hours  of  the 
morning  of  July  17,  when  the  Tzar  was  led  away  by 
Bolshevist  soldiers.  In  his  manuscript  report,  in  simple 
Russian,  filled  with  the  devotion  of  a  life-long  servant, 
is  presented,  as  far  as  I  was  able  to  learn,  the  only 
single,  complete,  and  authentic  account  of  the  Tzar's 
life  in  Ekaterinburg.  Dominin  describes  the  Ro- 
manoff family  life,  tells  of  the  illness  of  the  Tzarevitch, 
of  the  Empress's  tragic  pleas  for  mercy  on  her  knees 
before  the  Soviet  guard,  and  gives  details  of  the  evi- 
dence presented  at  the  secret  midnight  trial,  where 
Nikolas  Romanoff  appeared,  undefended  and  alone, 
dressed  in  his  soldier's  garb. 

Dominin  states  that  the  indictment  presented 
against  Nikolas  charged  him  with  being  a  party  to 
the  counter-revolutionary  plot  to  overthrow  the  Bol- 
sheviki,  and  with  secretly  corresponding  with  Generals 
Denekin,  Dutoff,  and  Dogert,  who  were  endeavoring 
to  liberate  him  and  who  had  sent  him  word  to  be  pre- 
pared to  be  freed. 

Dominin's  manuscript,  in  Russian,  which  is  here 
given  in  verbatim  translation,  contains  a  supplement 
with  the  Tzar's  abdication  manifesto,  written  in  Oc- 
tober, 1905,  during  the  Russo-Japanese  War,  which 
was  printed  but  never  promulgated. 

Parfen  Dominin,  who  is  sixty  years  of  age,  now  lives 
in  seclusion.  He  was  born  in  a  village  in  the  Costroma 
Government  and  began  serving  the  Tzar  in  1896.  His 
manuscript  reads: 

"Beginning  with  the  first  days  of  July,  airplanes 
began  to  appear  nearly  every  day,  over  Ekaterinburg, 
flying  very  low  and  dropping  bombs,  but  little  damage 


88  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

was  done.  Rumors  spread  about  the  city  that  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  were  making  reconnoissances  and 
would  shortly  occupy  the  city. 

"One  day  the  former  Tzar  returned  to  the  house 
from  his  walk  in  the  garden.  He  was  unusually  ex- 
cited, and  after  fervent  prayers  before  an  ikon/  of  Holy 
Nicholas  the  Thaumaturgist,  he  lay  down  on  a  little 
bed  without  undressing.  This  he  never  did  before. 

"  'Please  allow  me  to  undress  you  and  make  the 
bed/  I  said  to  the  Tzar. 

"  'Don't  trouble,  old  man/  the  Tzar  said,  'I  feel 
in  my  heart  I  shall  live  only  a  short  time.  Perhaps 
to-day — already' — but  the  Tzar  did  not  end  the  sen- 
tence. 

"  'God  bless  you,  what  are  you  saying?'  I  asked, 
and  the  Tzar  began  to  explain  that  during  his  evening 
walk  he  had  received  news  that  a  special  council  of 
the  Ural  District  Soviet  of  Workingmen,  Cossacks, 
and  Red  army  deputies  was  being  held  which  was  to 
decide  the  Tzar's  fate. 

"It  was  said  that  the  Tzar  was  Suspected  of  plan- 
ning to  escape  to  the  Czech  army,  which  was  advancing 
toward  Ekaterinburg  and  had  promised  to  tear  him 
away  from  the  Soviet  power.  He  ended  his  story  by 
saying  resignedly: 

"  'I  don't  know  anything.' 

"The  Tzar's  daily  life  was  very  strict.  He  was  not 
permitted  to  buy  newspapers,  and  was  not  allowed 
to  walk  beyond  the  limited  time. 

"All  the  servants  were  thoroughly  searched  before 
leaving  and  upon  returning.  Once  I  was  forced  to 
take  off  all  my  clothing  because  the  commissary  of  the 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  89 

Guard  thought  I  was  transmitting  letters  from  the 
Tzar. 

"Food  was  very  scarce.  Generally  only  herring, 
potatoes,  and  bread  were  given,  at  the  rate  of  half  a 
pound  daily  to  each  person. 

"The  former  heir  to  the  imperial  throne,  Alexis 
Nikolaievitch,  was  ill  all  the  time.  Once  he  was  cough- 
ing and  spitting  blood. 

"One  evening  Alexis  came  running  into  the  room 
of  the  Tzar,  breathless  and  crying  loudly,  and,  falling 
into  the  arms  of  his  father,  said,  with  tears  in  his  eyes: 
'Dear  papa,  they  want  to  shoot  you.' 

"The  Tzar  whispered:  'It's  the  will  of  God  in  every- 
thing. Be  quiet,  my  sufferer,  my  son,  be  quiet.  Where 
is  mamma  ? ' 

"  'Mamma  weeps,'  said  the  boy. 

"  'Ask  mamma  to  calm  herself;  one  cannot  help  by 
weeping.  It  is  God's  will  in  everything,'  the  Tzar 
replied. 

"With  ardor  Alexis  pleaded:  'Papa,  dear  papa, 
you  have  suffered  enough  already.  Why  do  they  want 
to  kill  you?  That  is  not  just.' 

"The  Tzar  replied:  'Alexis,  I  ask  you  for  only  one 
thing.  Go  and  comfort  mamma.' 

"Alexis  left.  The  Tzar  knelt  before  the  ikon  of 
Holy  Nicholas,  praying  for  a  long  time.  During  these 
days  Nikolas  became  very  devout.  Often  he  would 
awaken  during  the  night  because  of  some  nightmare. 
He  would  not  sleep  any  more,  but  spent  the  rest  of 
the  night  in  prayers. 

"From  time  to  time  the  Tzar  was  permitted  to  meet 
his  wife,  Alexandra,  or,  as  he  called  her,  Alice,  but  his 


90  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

son  he  could  meet  whenever  he  desired.  Once  Alex- 
andra Feodorovna  came  weeping  into  the  Tzar's  room, 
saying:  'It  is  necessary  in  any  case  that  you  should 
put  all  your  papers  and  documents  in  order.'  After 
this  Nikolas  wrote  all  night. 

"The  Tzar  wrote  many  letters,  among  them  those 
to  all  his  daughters,  to  his  brother  Michael,  to  his 
uncle,  Nicholas  Nicholaievitch,  General  Dogert,  Duke 
Gendrikoff,  Count  Olssufieff,  the  Prince  of  Oldenburg, 
Count  Shuma'rokoff  Elston,  and  many  others.  He 
did  not  seal  his  letters,  as  all  his  correspondence  was 
controlled  by  the  Soviet  censors.  Often  it  happened 
that  his  letters  were  returned  by  the  commissary  of 
the  Guard,  with  the  pencilled  remark:  'Are  not  to 
be  forwarded/ 

"For  many  days  Nikolas  Alexandrovitch  would 
not  eat.  He  would  fall  down  and  only  pray.  Even 
for  a  man  who  had  not  the  gift  of  observation  it  was 
evident  that  the  former  Tzar  was  greatly  troubled 
and  feeling  heartsick. 

"On  July  15,  late  in  the  evening,  there  appeared 
suddenly  in  the  Tzar's  room  the  commissary  of  the 
Guard,  who  announced: 

"  'Citizen  Nikolas  Alexandrovitch  Romanoff,  you 
will  follow  me  to  the  Ural  District  Soviet  of  Working- 
men,  Cossacks,  and  Red  army  deputies.' 

"The  Tzar  asked  in  a  pleading  tone: 

"  'Tell  me  frankly,  are  you  leading  me  to  be  shot?' 

"  'You  must  not  be  afraid,  nothing  will  happen 
until  your  death.  You  are  wanted  at  a  meeting,'  the 
commissary  said,  smiling. 

"Nikolas   Alexandrovitch   got   up   from   his   bed, 


91 

put  on  his  gray  'soldier  blouse  and  his  boots,  fastened 
his  belt,  and  went  away  with  the  commissary.  Out- 
side the  door  were  standing  two  soldiers,  Letts,  with 
rifles.  All  three  surrounded  him,  and  for  some  reason 
began  to  search  him  all  over.  Then  one  of  the  Letts 
went  ahead.  The  Tzar  was  forced  to  go  behind  him, 
next  to  the  commissary,  and  the  second  soldier  fol- 
lowed. 

"Nikolas  did  not  return  for  a  very  long  while,  about 
two  hours  and  a  half  at  least.  He  was  quite  pale,  his 
chin  trembling. 

"  'Old  man,  give  me  some  water/  he  said: 

"I  brought  him  water  at  once.  He  emptied  a  large 
cup. 

"  'What  happened?'  I  asked. 

"  'They  have  informed  me  that  I  shall  be  shot  with- 
in three  hours.' 

"During  the  meeting  of  the  Ural  District  Soviet  a 
minute  of  the  trial  was  rea,d  in  the  presence  of  the  Tzar. 
It  was  prepared  by  a  secret  organization  named  the 
Association  for  the  Defense  of  Our  Native  Country 
and  Freedom.  It  stated  that  a  counter-revolutionary 
plot  had  been  discovered,  with  the  object  of  suppressing 
the  workmen's  and  peasants'  revolution  by  inciting 
the  masses  against  the  Soviet  by  accusing  it  of  all  the 
hard  consequences  resulting  from  imperialism  all  over 
the  world — war  and  slaughter,  famine,  lack  of  work, 
the  collapse  of  transportation,  the  advance  of  the  Ger- 
mans, etc. 

"The  indictment  further  stated  that  to  attain  this 
the  counter-revolutionists  were  attempting  to  join  all 
the  non-Soviet  political  parties,  Socialists  as  well  as 


92  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

imperial  parties.  The  evidence  presented  at  the  trial 
showed  that  the  staff  of  this  organization  could  not 
carry  out  its  intentions  fully  because  of  a  divergency 
of  views  regarding  the  tactics  between  the  Left  and 
Right  parties.  The  evidence  presented  showed  that 
at  the  head  of  the  plot  stood  the  Tzar's  personal  friend, 
General  Dogert. 

"The  evidence  presented  against  the  Tzar  shows 
that  hi  this  organization  were  working  also  such  rep- 
resentatives as  the  Duke  of  Krapotkine,  Colonel  of 
the  General  Staff  Ekhart,  Engineer  Llinsky,  and  others. 
There  are  reasons  for  believing  that  Shavenpoff  was 
also  in  direct  connection  with  this  organization  and 
that  he  was  supposed  to  be  the  head  of  the  new  govern- 
ment as  a  military  dictator. 

"All  these  leaders  had  established  a  very  strong 
conspiracy.  In  the  Moscow  fighting  group  were  700 
officers  who  afterward  were  transferred  to  Samara, 
where  they  were  to  await  reinforcements  from  the 
Allies  with  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  Ural  front  to 
separate  Great  Russia  from  Siberia.  Later,  according 
to  the  supposed  plot,  when  results  of  the  famine  should 
show,  all  those  sympathizing  with  the  overthrow  of 
the  Soviet  would  be  mobilized  to  advance  against 
Germany. 

"The  evidence  presented  shows  proofs  that  certain 
Socialist  parties  were  taking  part  in  the  plot,  including 
the  Right  Social  Revolutionists  and  Mensheviki,  work- 
ing in  full  harmony  with  the  Constitutional  Democrats. 
The  chief  of  staff  of  this  organization  was  in  direct 
communication  with  Dutoff  and  Denekin. 

"The  testimony  stated  that  during  the  last  few 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  93 

days  a  new  plot  had  been  discovered,  having  for  its 
object  the  rescue  of  the  former  Tzar  from  the  Soviet 
with  the  help  of  Dutoff. 

"  Besides  this,  it  was  proved  at  the  trial  that  the 
Tzar  conducted  secret  correspondence  with  his  personal 
friend,  General  Dogert,  who  urged  the  Tzar  to  be  ready 
to  be  freed. 

"In  view  of  this  evidence,  together  with  the  trouble- 
some situation  caused  by  the  decision  of  the  Ural  Dis- 
trict Soviet  to  evacuate  Ekaterinburg,  the  former  Tzar 
was  ordered  to  submit  to  execution  without  delay 
because  the  Soviet  believed  it  harmful  and  unjustifiable 
to  continue  to  keep  him  under  guard. 

" '  Citizen  Nikolas  Romanoff/  said  the  Soviet 
chairman  to  the  former  Tzar,  'I  inform  you,  you  are 
given  three  hours  to  write  your  last  orders.  Guard, 
I  ask  you  not  to  leave  Nikolas  Romanoff  out  of  your 
sight.' 

"Soon  after  Nikolas  returned  from  the  meeting 
his  wife  and  son  called  upon  him  weeping.  Often  Alex- 
andra faulted  and  a  doctor  had  to  be  called.  When 
she  recovered  she  knelt  before  the  soldiers  and  begged 
for  mercy.  The  soldiers  answered  that  it  was  not  with- 
in their  power  to  render  mercy. 

"  'Be  quiet,  for  Christ's  sake,  Alice,'  repeated  the 
Tzar  several  times  in  a  very  low  tone,  making  the  sign 
of  the  cross  over  his  wife  and  son. 

"After  this  Nikolas  called  me  and  kissed  me,  say- 
ing: 

'  'Old  man,  do  not  leave  Alexandra  and  Alexis. 
You  see,  there  is  nobody  with  me  now.  There  is  no- 
body to  appease  them,  and  I  shall  soon  be  led  away.' 


94  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"Later  it  proved  that  nobody  except  his  wife  and 
son,  of  all  his  beloved  ones,  was  permitted  to  bid  fare- 
well to  the  former  Tzar.  Nikolas  and  his  wife  and 
son  remained  together  until  five  other  soldiers  of  the 
Red  army  appeared  with  the  chairman  of  the  Soviet, 
accompanied  by  two  members,  both  working  men. 

"  'Put  on  your  overcoat,'  resolutely  commanded  the 
chairman. 

"Nikolas,  who  did  not  lose  his  self-possession,  began 
to  dress,  kissed  his  wife  and  son  and  me  again,  made 
the  sign  of  the  cross  over  them,  and  then,  addressing 
the  men,  said  in  a  loud  voice: 

"  'Now  I  am  at  your  disposal/ 

"  Alexandra  and  Alexis  fell  in  a  fit  of  hysterics.  Both 
fell  to  the  floor.  I  made  an  attempt  to  bring  mother 
and  son  to,  but  the  chairman  said: 

"  'Wait.  There  should  be  no  delay.  You  may  do 
that  after  we  have  gone.' 

"  'Permit  me  to  accompany  Nikolas  Alexandro- 
vitch,'  I  asked. 

"  'No  accompanying,'  was  the  stern  answer. 

"So  Nikolas  was  taken  away,  nobody  knows  where, 
and  was  shot  during  the  night  of  July  16,  by  about 
twenty  Red  army  soldiers. 

"Before  dawn  the  next  day  the  chairman  of  the 
Soviet  again  came  to  the  room,  accompanied  by  Red 
army  soldiers,  a  doctor,  and  the  commissary  of  the 
Guard.  The  doctor  attended  Alexandra  and  Alexis. 
Then  the  chairman  said  to  the  doctor: 

"  'Is  it  possible  to  take  them  immediately?' 

"When  he  answered  'yes,'  the  chairman  said: 

"  'Citizen   Alexandra   Feodorovna   Romanoff    and 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  95 

Alexis  Romanoff,  get  ready.  You  will  be  sent  away 
from  here.  You  are  allowed  to  take  only  the  most 
necessary  things,  not  over  thirty  or  forty  pounds.' 

"Mastering  themselves,  but  stumbling  from  side 
to  side,  mother  and  son  soon  got  ready. 

"  'To-morrow  get  him  out  of  here/  the  Soviet  chair- 
man commanded  the  guard,  pointing  at  me. 

"Alexandra  and  Alexis  were  immediately  taken 
away  by  an  automobile  truck,  it  is  not  known  where. 

"The  morning  of  the  following  day  the  commissary 
again  appeared,  and  ordered  me  to  get  out  of  the  room, 
taking  with  me  some  property  of  the  Tzar,  but  all 
the  letters  and  documents  belonging  to  the  Tzar  were 
taken  by  the  commissary.  I  left,  but  had  great  diffi- 
culty in  procuring  a  railway  ticket,  because  all  the 
stations  and  trains  were  overfilled  with  soldiers  of  the 
Red  army,  tossing  about  evacuating  the  city  and 
taking  along  all  precious  objects." 

An  epilogue  and  supplement  to  the  manuscript, 
also  written  by  Dominin,  follow: 

"The  Cheliabinsk  newspaper  Utro  Sibiri  states 
that  the  Tzar's  execution  was  certified  to  by  a  special 
government  declaration  at  a  place  ten  versts  from 
Ekaterinburg.  On  July  30  a  tumulus  was  found  con- 
taining metal  things  belonging  to  each  member  of  the 
family  of  the  former  Tzar,  and  also  bones  of  burned 
corpses,  which  may  be  those  of  the  Romanoff  family. 

"As  hostages,  Grand  Duchess  Elena  Petrova,  Coun- 
tess Henrikova,  and  a  third,  whose  name  I  don't  know, 
were  taken  away.  The  total  hostages  were  about 
sixty.  The  Bolsheviki  fled  in  the  direction  of  Verkno- 
turie. 


96  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"The  Academician  Bunakovhky,  a  member  of  the 
Russian  Historical  Society,  found  accidentally  in  the 
secret  division  of  the  senate  archives  the  proof  sheet 
of  a  '  collection  of  laws  ordered  of  the  government/ 
dated  October  17,  1905,  in  which  was  printed  the  fol- 
lowing manifesto : 

"Disturbances  and  riots  in  the  capital  and  many 
parts  of  the  empire  are  filling  my  heart  with  painful 
grief.  The  welfare  of  the  Russian  Emperor  is  indis- 
solubly  joined  with  the  welfare  of  the  people,  and  the 
affliction  of  the  people  is  his  grief.  From  the  distur- 
bances which  have  now  arisen  may  proceed  deep  dis- 
order among  the  population,  a  threat  to  the  unity 
and  integrity  of  our  state. 

"In  these  days,  when  the  fate  of  Russia  is  being 
determined,  we  consider  it  the  duty  of  our  conscience 
to  fuse  our  people  into  a  close  union  and  join  all  the 
powers  of  the  population  for  the  height  of  the  state's 
prosperity. 

"Therefore  we  have  decided  to  abdicate  the  throne 
of  the  Russian  Empire  and  lay  down  the  high  power. 
Desiring  not  to  be  separated  from  our  beloved  son, 
we  surrender  the  succession  to  our  brother,  the  Grand 
Duke  Michael,  and  bless  him  upon  the  ascendance 
to  the  Russian  throne. 

NIKOLAS  ROMANOFF. 
(Countersigned)  Minister  of  the  Court, 
BARON  FREDERICKS. 

"October  16,  1905.    Novy  Peterhof." 


it- 


1  Written  with  a  red  pencil  on  the  text  was  'Hold 
up  printing.    Manager  of  Typography  Kedrinsky.' 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  97 

"He  tells  me  the  following  details  regarding  the 
delay  in  printing  the  manifesto,"  Dominin  wrote.  "  At 
eight  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  October  16  I  received 
from  a  courier  a  packet  from  the  minister  of  the  court, 
Baron  Fredericks,  asking  me  to  publish  the  manifesto 
in  the  next  number  of  the  Collection  of  Laws.  As  the 
manifesto  was  not  received  in  the  usual  way,  through 
the  minister  of  justice,  Kedrinsky,  in  giving  the  mani- 
festo to  a  typographer  to  prepare  the  printing,  simul- 
taneously informed  Shthegtovioff  by  telephone. 

"At  first  the  minister  of  justice  only  asked  for  the 
holding  up  of  the  printing,  but  at  eleven  o'clock  the 
functionary  for  special  commissions  from  the  minister 
visited  Kedrinsky  and  asked  for  the  original  of  the 
manifesto  and  ordered  the  proof  sheet  transmitted 
to  the  secret  archives  of  the  senate." 

Thus  the  Tzar  spent  the  last  days  as  a  Bolshevist 
prisoner,  disappearing  within  a  few  hours  before  the 
Czecho-Slovak  troops  freed  the  terror-stricken  city  of 
Ekaterinburg,  according  to  the  testimony  of  his  faith- 
ful servant. 

From  Professor  Ipatieff  and  other  witnesses  I  ob- 
tained additional  details  of  the  conditions  in  the  house 
during  their  imprisonment.  Although  the  Tzar,  his 
wife,  and  son  were  provided  with  beds  and  were  sup- 
posed to  have  the  private  use  of  the  room,  it  frequently 
happened  that  the  Tzarina's  physician  was  forced  to 
occupy  the  same  chamber.  In  the  adjoining  room 
the  four  daughters  slept  on  the  floor,  with  scarcely 
any  bedding.  At  times  the  Tzar  was  forbidden  to  see 
his  wife,  and  they  were  seldom  permitted  to  talk  except 
in  the  presence  of  a  soldier.  Although  the  family  ate 
in  the  spacious  dining-room  of  the  Ipatieff  home  food 


98  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

was  prepared  by  the  Red  army  men  and  was  very 
meagre.  For  the  family  only  five  plates,  knives,  forks, 
and  spoons  were  provided,  and  on  more  than  one 
occasion  the  soldiers  would  help  themselves  from 
the  erstwhile  imperial  table.  When  any  member  of 
the  family  bathed  it  was  forbidden  to  close  the  bath- 
room door,  and  in  the  frame  of  the  door  both  at  the 
top  and  sides  are  literally  hundreds  of  bayonet  marks 
showing  that  on  many  occasions  soldiers  stood  on 
guard  at  the  door  with  drawn  bayonets.  In  fact,  so 
many  bayonet  jabs  are  still  visible  in  the  walls  and 
ceilings  of  some  of  the  rooms  that  it  seems  certain, 
beyond  a  doubt,  that  the  guard  in  the  house  always 
had  bayonets  attached  to  their  loaded  rifles. 

After  examining  the  walls  of  the  house  I  concluded 
that  the  soldiers  must  have  tried  bayonet  practice 
from  time  to  time  hi  the  various  rooms,  but  whether 
this  was  done  when  members  of  the  Tzar's  family  were 
there  one  cannot  say.  Whenever  any  member  of  the 
family  walked  in  the  garden  soldiers  stood  on  the  bal- 
cony leading  from  the  dining-room  and  looking  out 
over  the  garden.  Professor  Ipatieff,  who  was  in 
Ekaterinburg,  living  near  by  throughout  the  Tzar's 
imprisonment,  stated  that  the  soldiers  often  aimed 
their  rifles  at  the  Tzar  when  he  was  walking.  With 
their  fingers  on  the  triggers  of  their  rifles  and  eyes  on 
the  sight-points  they  would  follow  his  movements. 

The  Tzar  was  not  permitted  to  receive  any  news- 
papers, and  many  of  the  letters  which  he  wrote,  and 
which  were  sent  to  him,  were  never  delivered.  Nikolas 
himself  wrote  scores  of  letters  to  his  friends,  but  they 
were  usually  simple  statements  about  the  health  of 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  99 

the  family.  The  day  before  his  trial  for  participation 
in  an  alleged  counterplot  against  the  Bolsheviki  he 
was  permitted  to  write  letters  to  his  relatives  and 
friends,  but  as  far  as  known  none  of  these  were  sent 
by  the  Ural  District  Soviet. 

That  the  Tzar,  however,  was  in  communication 
with  the  outside  world  through  various  secret  channels 
is  quite  certain.  One  of  the  nuns  in  the  monastery  of 
Ekaterinburg,  for  instance,  informed  me  that  one  day 
she  received  word  from  Odessa  saying  that  the  Tzare- 
vitch  was  ill,  and  asking  her,  in  behalf  of  "  friends  of 
the  Tzar,"  to  take  milk,  eggs,  and  butter  to  the  Tzar's 
house.  By  this  name  the  Itapieff  residence  became 
known  as  soon  as  the  Tzar  arrived,  and  to-day  any 
one  in  Ekaterinburg  can  tell  you  where  the  "Tzar's 
house"  is.  All  of  the  droshky  drivers  know,  as  the 
taxi-drivers  in  Paris  know  the  location  of  Napoleon's 
tomb. 

This  nun — a  simple,  kindly  faced,  quiet,  and  patient 
old  woman — related  to  me  one  afternoon  her  experi- 
ences in  delivering  fresh  eggs  and  milk.  She  would 
not  tell  me  how  she  received  word  from  Odessa,  nor 
why  any  one  in  Odessa  should  know  quicker  than  the 
people  of  Ekaterinburg  that  the  Tzarevitch  was  ill — 
that  he  was  so  ill  that  he  often  spat  blood. 

At  the  beginning  of  July,  however,  when  she  began 
to  take  food  to  the  Tzarevitch,  the  Bolshevist  com- 
missar permitted  her  to  take  butter,  eggs,  and  milk 
to  the  Tzarina  personally.  Often,  she  said,  she  would 
take  a  bottle  of  cream,  sugar,  and  sweets  to  the  house, 
but  it  was  not  long  until  the  Bolsheviki  either  became 
suspicious  or  were  revengeful.  One  day  they  seized 


100          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

everything  she  had  for  their  own  use,  telling  her  to 
get  out  and  never  return.  The  following  morning  she 
appeared  as  usual  and  was  permitted  to  send  in  the 
eggs  and  milk. 

On  several  occasions  during  the  visits  she  had  very 
brief  "audiences"  with  the  members  of  the  family. 
Naturally  she  would  not  tell  me  whether  she  carried 
news  to  the  Romanoffs,  but  from  other  sources  I  learned 
that  it  was  through  this  monastery  that  some  of  the 
Tzar's  friends  in  Crimea  were  able  to  "keep  in  touch" 
with  the  Tzar. 

It  is  known,  also,  that  the  former  Emperor  on  a 
few  occasions  received  letters  and  news  through  a 
member  of  the  Soviet  Guard,  who,  despite  his  position, 
was  still  loyal  to  the  "Little  White  Father."  Another 
route  by  which  news  travelled  to  and  from  the  Tzar 
was  through  signals  from  the  attic  of  the  brick  house 
across  the  street  from  the  Ipatieff  residence,  which  I 
have  described.  A  private  telephone  in  this  house 
was  connected  with  the  office  of  a  certain  prominent 
business  man.  The  man  in  the  attic  and  this  merchant 
communicated  with  each  other  day  and  night,  and  I 
remember  learning  from  one  of  them  some  of  the  secret 
phrases  they  used  in  talking,  so  that  if  any  one  should 
by  chance  overhear  them  the  Bolsheviki  could  not 
understand.  When  the  observer  under  the  roof  of 
the  house  across  the  street  saw  the  Tzar  in  the  garden 
he  would  phone,  "the  baggage  is  at  the  station,"  and 
then  messages  would  be  communicated  to  the  Tzar. 

Throughout  the  time  the  Tzar  and  his  family  were 
imprisoned  here  efforts  were  being  made  to  release 
him.  On  more  than  one  occasion  the  Tzar  received 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  101 

a  message  stating  that  he  would  soon  be  freed.  Gen- 
eral Denekin,  who  is  now  commanding  the  Cossacks 
near  Kieff,  an  old  and  intimate  friend  of  Nikolas, 
was  endeavoring  in  every  possible  way  to  save  his 
former  imperial  master.  General  Dutoff,  another 
friend  of  the  Tzar,  operating  in  the  Urals,  was  seeking 
to  deliver  his  friend.  The  Czecho-Slovaks,  despite 
their  revolutionary  tendencies,  were  bent  upon  snatch- 
ing the  Tzar  from  the  Bolsheviki.  There  were  inde- 
pendent Russian  and  foreign  business  interests  in 
Ekaterinburg  which  wanted  him  released.  More 
money  was  spent  trying  to  free  Nikolas  Romanoff 
than  the  Bokheviki  ever  used  in  guarding  and  trans- 
porting him  or  maintaining  an  organization  to  prevent 
his  escape. 

Thus,  in  advance  of  the  Tzar's  trial  before  the  secret 
night  session  of  the  Ural  District  Soviet,  there  was 
being  waged  in  Russia  and  Siberia  a  bitter  and  cease- 
less contest  between  the  friends  and  enemies  of  the 
Tzar.  Ekaterinburg  was  the  centre  of  the  intrigue 
and  the  Tzar  himself  was  playing  no  unimportant 
part. 

After  the  trial,  where  the  Tzar  was  condemned  to 
death,  the  Moscow  wireless  station  sent  out  an  official 
communication  addressed,  as  are  all  messages  from 
wireless  towers  under  control  of  the  Soviet,  "To  all, 
to  all,  to  all ! "  announcing  that  the  Tzar  had  been 
executed  in  Ekaterinburg,  but  that  the  family  had 
been  removed  from  the  city  to  a  place  of  safety. 

But  was  Nikolas  II  killed?  If  so,  how  and  where? 
This  is  where  the  real  mystery  of  the  Tzar  begins. 
From  this  date  until  to-day  the  world  has  speculated. 


102          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Evidence  of  all  kinds  has  been  published  to  prove  his 
death  and  to  announce  that  he  is  still  alive. 

It  has  been  said  that  "votes  should  be  weighed  and 
not  counted."  So  is  it  with  regard  to  facts.  Weighing 
the  evidence  regarding  the  Tzar  himself  I  should  say 
that  six- tenths  of  the  weight  indicates  that  he  is  dead; 
four-tenths  that  he  may  be  alive. 

The  Tzar  was  tried,  condemned  to  death,  and  taken 
from  the  court  room  back  to  the  Ipatieff  residence. 
Some  maintain  that  he  was  executed  immediately  in 
the  basement  or  the  first  floor  of  this  house.  Other 
citizens  declare  that  he  was  taken  outside  the  city 
and  shot.  Some  think  he  was  murdered  in  the  house 
without  trial. 

To  show  how  the  testimony  differs  I  shall  refer  to 
the  published  statements  of  Prince  Lvoff.  He  de- 
clared in  Vladivostok  and  Japan  that  he  and  the  Tzar 
were  kept  in  the  same  prison  and  had  the  same  jailers. 
That  cannot  be  true  as  far  as  Ekaterinburg  is  con- 
cerned, because  I  could  not  find  a  person  in  Ekaterin- 
burg who  had  heard  that  Prince  Lvoff  was  in  the 
Ipatieff  residence  as  a  prisoner.  He  was  confined  for 
four  months  in  the  prison  of  Ekaterinburg,  but  the 
Tzar  was  never  there.  Prince  Lvoff  and  many  others 
declare  the  Tzar  and  his  whole  family  were  killed  hi 
the  Ipatieff  house,  and  they  point  to  the  bullet-holes 
in  the  walls  of  the  room.  The  nun  from  the  monas- 
tery who  took  eggs  and  milk  to  the  Tzarevitch  told 
me  that  she  is  positive  none  of  them  was  executed  in 
this  house,  and  that  the  Tzarina,  the  Tzarevitch,  and 
the  daughters  were  taken  away  in  a  motor-truck  which 
she  saw  standing  in  the  grounds  of  the  Ipatieff  residence 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  103 

on  July  15.  She  believes  the  Tzar  is  dead,  but  that 
the  family  is  still  alive.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of 
the  priests  from  the  same  monastery,  who  held  short 
services  upon  a  few  occasions  in  the  house  for  the  im- 
perial family,  assured  me  that  "the  whole  family  is 
alive  and  well." 

While  I  was  hi  Tiumen,  the  chief  city  between  Omsk 
and  Ekaterinburg,  one  of  the  members  of  the  Russian 
nobility,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Tzarina, 
received  a  message  from  the  "interior  of  Russia  by 
courier  saying,  'Your  friends  are  all  well.' J  When 
I  questioned  the  American,  British,  and  French  con- 
suls, who  were  in  the  city  throughout  the  Bolshevist 
occupation,  as  to  their  opinions,  they  stated  frankly 
that  they  did  not  know  whether  the  Tzar  was  dead 
or  alive,  and  they  were  still  conducting  their  investiga- 
tions. Professor  Ipatieff,  who  is  now  living  on  the 
first  floor  of  his  house,  surrounded  by  most  of  the  furni- 
ture which  was  used  by  the  former  imperial  family, 
showed  me  through  the  house  on  two  occasions  and 
described  hi  detail  how  the  whole  family  was  brought 
from  the  second  floor  to  the  main  floor  by  way  of  the 
servants'  stairs,  lined  up  against  the  wall  and  shot. 
A  member  of  the  Judicial  Investigating  Commission 
believes  the  family  was  killed  in  this  house,  but  the 
only  evidence  any  of  them  possess  is  the  bullet-holes 
in  the  walls  and  floors  and  the  finding  of  certain 
property  of  the  Tzar  and  Tzarina  in  the  ashes  of  one 
of  the  stoves.  I  saw  the  room  in  which  they  were  sup- 
posed to  have  been  killed  en  masse,  but  I  was  not  con- 
vinced by  the  evidence  presented  there  for  these 
reasons : 


104          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

1.  If  the  whole  family  was  executed  in  this  room, 
then  seven  persons  were  killed.    The  bullet-holes  were 
in  the  walls  and  some  "  blood  clots."    There  were  no 
pools  of  blood,  and  it  seemed  doubtful  to  me  that  seven 
persons  should  die  a  horrible  death  and  leave  only 
small  "blood  clots"  in  the  bullet-holes  and  small  blood- 
stains on  the  floor. 

2.  If  they  were  executed  in  this  room,  then  the  sol- 
diers' rifles  could  not  have  been  more  than  five  feet 
from  the  victims,  because  the  room  is  very  small.    If 
killed  here  the  bodies  must  have  been  removed,  be- 
cause they  were  not  found  in  this  room  nor  in  the  house. 
By  removing  seven  bodies  from  such  a  room,  in  mid- 
summer, when  it  was  very  hot  and  sultry,  the  members 
of  the  family  surely  did  not  wear  very  heavy  clothing, 
and  it  seems  that  bloodstains  should  have  been  found 
in  other  parts  of  the  house,  but  none  were  found. 

3.  It  is  stated  that  the  bodies  were  burned  after 
execution  in  this  house.    This  I  believe  is  impossible, 
because  none  of  the  stoves  in  the  house  are  large 
enough.    The  house  was  heated,  as  are  most  Russian 
houses,  by  Russian  stoves  built  in  the  walls,  and  the 
opening  to  each  stove  is  not  more  than  a  foot  wide  or 
deep.     Still,  in  one  of  these  stoves  the  investigating 
commission  found  a  military  cross  which  the  Tzar  once 
wore,  corset  staves  and  a  large  diamond  belonging  to 
the  Tzarina.    The  stove  in  which  these  things  were 
found  was  in  the  bedroom  of  the  Tzar's  daughters. 
This  stove  was  never  used  by  the  Bolshevist  guard,  and 
it  is  plausible  that  the  Tzar  or  Tzarina  burned  these 
things  themselves  at  the  last  hour  so  that  the  Soviet 
would  not  find  them.     This  might  be  substantiated 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  TZAR  105 

by  the  fact  that  the  investigating  commission,  after 
having  the  ashes  examined,  failed  to  find  traces  of 
any  human  bodies. 

I  do  not  believe  the  evidence  that  the  whole  family 
was  executed  here  is  convincing.  I  think  the  Tzar 
may  have  been  shot  in  this  room,  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  the  testimony  of  the  Tzar's  personal 
valet,  Parfen  Dominin,  that  the  Tzar  was  taken  away 
from  the  house  early  in  the  morning  of  July  16  by  a 
small  Soviet  guard.  Dominin  himself  remained  in 
the  house  until  the  morning  of  the  17th.  If  any 
one  was  shot  in  that  house  that  night;  if  twenty 
shots  were  fired  on  the  first  floor,  the  valet  would  have 
heard  them,  because  he  was  in  the  living-room  of  the 
Ipatieff  residence,  which  was  almost  directly  above 
the  room  where  the  bullet-holed  wall  stands  to-day, 
and  no  Russian  house  is  sound-proof. 

After  examining  carefully  all  of  the  evidence  pre- 
sented by  Professor  Ipatieff  I  made  an  investigation 
of  the  testimony  that  the  Tzar  was  taken  away  and 
executed.  The  Bolsheviki  claim  that  this  is  what 
happened.  They  maintained  he  was  executed  outside 
the  city,  before  a  firing  squad.  But  was  he?  Is  it 
not  possible  that  the  Tzar  was  kidnapped  after  he 
left  the  house,  surrounded  by  only  three  Red  army 
soldiers?  Considering  all  of  the  efforts  which  were 
being  made  in  and  about  Ekaterinburg  to  save  the 
Tzar,  does  it  seem  possible  that  his  friends,  who  were 
numerous  in  the  city  and  watchful,  should  permit 
three  soldiers  to  take  him  away?  Is  it  not  possible 
that  some  of  the  disloyal  Bolshevist  soldiers,  who  were 
accepting  bribes  and  transmitting  secret  messages  to 
and  from  the  Tzar,  were  among  that  guard? 


106          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

I  asked  these  questions  because  they  came  into  my 
mind  while  I  was  in  Ekaterinburg,  and  because  I  asked 
many  Ekaterinburg  citizens  the  same.  In  reply  I 
received  all  varieties  of  answers  and  various  degrees 
of  speculations.  The  fact  is  that  no  one  knows,  but 
all  have  their  opinions.  Professor  Ipatieff  maintains 
that  the  questions  are  without  justification.  The 
priest  thinks  that  the  Tzar  was  "saved."  The  nun 
thinks  he  was  killed  afterward.  The  valet  states  the 
same.  The  investigating  commission  is  divided.  The 
Allied  consuls  don't  know.  And  still  there  is  the  testi- 
mony of  a  prominent  Russian  merchant  of  Ekaterin- 
bur'g  that  he  saw  the  Tzar  and  his  family  in  the  private 
office  of  the  railroad  depot  master  on  July  20 ! 

Ekaterinburg  is  divided.  Since  the  latter  part  of 
July,  for  seven  months  the  city  and  surrounding  coun- 
try has  been  searched,  and  no  remains  of  the  bodies, 
no  authentic  traces  of  the  family,  have  been  found. 

Some  day,  when  it  is  possible  for  investigators  to 
go  into  European  Russia  and  question  other  witnesses, 
the  puzzle  may  be  solved. 

Nikolas  II,  the  former  Tzar  of  all  the  Russians, 
and  his  family  may  be  dead.  They  may  still  live. 
Who  knows? 

But,  dead  or  alive,  the  whole  story  of  the  Tzar's 
relationship  with  the  Bolsheviki  shows  the  results  of 
the  Bolshevist  abolition  of  the  courts  and  the  sub- 
stitution of  soldier  tribunals.  Laws  to  the  Red  army 
are  elements  of  the  "old  regime,"  and  have  been  as 
ruthlessly  done  away  with  as  have  the  "intellectuals" 
and  "aristocrats." 


CHAPTER  VI 
AT  CZECHO-SLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS 

AN  abandoned  army,  an  army  on  wheels,  an  army 
in  the  wilderness — all  these  describe  the  Czecho-Slovak 
army  in  Siberia  and  Russia,  and,  although  I  had  seen 
thousands  of  Czech  and  Slovak  troops  along  the  Trans- 
Siberian  Railway  and  hi  the  cities  and  towns  near  by, 
it  was  at  their  headquarters  in  Ekaterinburg  that  I 
learned  the  details  of  their  break  with  the  Bolsheviki, 
and  the  story  of  the  beginning  and  the  development 
of  their  campaign  against  the  Red  army  and  of  their 
relations  with  the  French,  British,  and  American 
officials.  In  the  "Tzar's  house"  Major-General  Gaida, 
commander  of  their  Eastern  army,  had  his  head- 
quarters. The  National  Council  and  other  Czecho- 
slovak government  bureaus  were  housed  hi  the  "Amer- 
ikansky  Nomera,"  once  the  leading  hotel  of  the  city, 
and  about  town  were  the  intelligence  bureaus  and  sup- 
ply departments.  Ekaterinburg  was  a  Czecho-Slovak 
city  throughout  the  tune  these  brave  soldiers  fought 
the  Bolsheviki  and  held  the  Ural  front,  barring  the 
advance  of  the  Red  army  into  Siberia. 

Their  campaign  in  Russia  is  another  tragedy. 
Courageous  patriots,  they  were,  50,000  of  them,  who 
were  concentrated  in  the  Ukraine  Republic  in  May, 
1918,  when  at  a  mass-meeting  they  voted  to  leave 
Russia  via  Siberia  for  France  to  fight  with  the  autono- 
mous army  of  Czecho-Slovakia  against  the  combined 

107 


108          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

armies  of  the  Central  Powers.  Happy  and  free,  lovers 
of  liberty  and  Austro-Hungarian  revolutionists,  they 
started  across  Siberia  only  to  be  attacked  by  the  Bol- 
shevist army  under  orders  from  Leon  Trotsky,  minister 
of  war  in  Moscow  and  chief  militarist  officer  of  the 
Russian  " proletariat"  army.  Attacked  by  the  Bol- 
sheviki,  despite  the  "agreement"  which  had  been 
signed  guaranteeing  them  unrestricted  passage  across 
Russia,  they  turned,  and,  like  fighting  falcons,  beat 
back  the  Red  army,  freed  Siberia  of  Bolshevism,  and 
established  an  eastern  front  in  the  Ural  Mountains  at 
the  request  of  official  representatives  of  the  United 
States  and  Allies.  The  Czecho-Slovaks  crossed  the 
trail  of  Bolshevism  in  Russia,  and,  if  they  had  had 
the  support  which  was  promised  them,  the  situation 
in  Russia  to-day  might — in  all  probability  would  be— 
different.  The  trail  might  have  been  broken  in  Euro- 
pean Russia  as  it  was  in  Siberia. 

When  I  left  the  headquarters  of  Ekaterinburg  and 
the  G.  H.  Q.  of  the  western  army  under  General  Sy- 
rovy  at  Cheliabinsk  in  December,  the  Czecho-Slovak 
forces  were  still  the  mainstay  of  the  "Ural  front,"  al- 
though they  were  being  withdrawn  gradually,  after 
seven  months  of  continuous,  ceaseless  fighting,  to  make 
room  for  the  new  Russian  army  organized  by  Admiral 
Koltshak. 

At  the  offices  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  National  Coun- 
cil I  obtained  a  copy  of  the  official  version  of  the  break 
between  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  the  Bolsheviki.  This 
statement,  which  was  submitted  to  the  Allied  govern- 
ments, is  interesting  hi  all  its  detail  because,  in  addition 
to  the  light  it  throws  upon  the  activities  of  the  two 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    109 

armed  forces  in  Russia,  it  illustrates  pertinently  the 
oft-repeated  assertion  of  the  present  Bolshevist  leaders 
of  European  Russia  that  "agreements"  made  by  the 
Bolsheviki  are  lived  up  to  only  so  long  as  they  serve 
the  purpose  of  Moscow  and  Petrograd ! 

This  diplomatic  document,  entitled  "The  Czecho- 
slovak Incident,"  follows: 

"An  authorized  and  verified  translation  of  the  of- 
ficial version  of  the  incident  given  by  the  Temporary 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  army, 
into  whose  hands  the  direction  of  military  operations 
and  political  negotiations  was  placed  by  the  Assembly 
of  Czecho-Slovak  Soldiers  at  Cheliabinsk,  May,  1918. 
See  signature  and  seal  below. 

"The  principle  of  the  neutrality  of  the  Czecho- 
slovak army  as  regards  the  internal  conflicts  and 
battles  of  Russia  was  definitely  expressed  and  recog- 
nized both  in  the  agreement  and  treaty  made  by  the 
Czecho-Slovak  National  Council  with  the  temporary 
government  of  Russia,  and  in  that  arrived  at  later 
with  the  government  of  the  Ukraine  Republic,  the 
Ukraine  National  Council.  To  this  principle  both 
political  and  military  leaders  adhered  to  firmly,  and 
succeeded  in  implanting  it  so  deeply  in  the  minds  of 
the  soldiers,  that,  in  spite  of  the  attempts  made  right 
and  left  to  induce  them  to  break  it,  not  a  single  sec- 
tion of  the  army  could  be  induced  to  do  so. 

"Later,  when  the  Ukraine  National  Council  was 
defeated  and  gradually  driven  out  of  the  governments 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Dnieper  and  later  out  of 
Kieff  and  the  rest  of  the  Ukraine,  the  commander-in- 


110          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

chief  of  the  Soviet  forces,  Colonel  Muravjof,  and  Mr. 
Kocubinsky,  the  minister  of  war  of  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Ukraine,  recognized  the  strict  armed 
neutrality  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  army.  (See  official 
order  to  the  Czecho-Slovak  Army  Corps  No.  12,  Jan- 
uary 28, 1918,  published  in  the  Czecho-Slovenny  Dennik 
(Czecho-Slovak  Daily),  the  official  organ  of  the  Czecho- 
slovak National  Council.  • 

"Prior  to  this,  when  on  *  January  12,  1918,  the 
Ukraine  Central  Council  adopted  the  'Fourth  Uni- 
versal/ which  expressed  the  desire  of  the  Ukraine 
Government  to  live  on  terms  of  friendship  and  har- 
mony with  all  neighboring  states,  and  especially  with 
Austria,  it  was  decided  at  a  meeting  of  the  Czecho- 
slovak National  Council,  at  which  Professor  Masaryk 
himself  presided,  to  declare  the  Czecho-Slovak  army 
hi  all  parts  of  the  former  Russian  state  as  a  part  of 
the  autonomous  army  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  in  France. 
This  proclamation  was  published  on  February  10, 
1918,  after  the  arrival  of  the  Bolsheviks  hi  Kieff.  Soon 
after  that,  simultaneously  with  the  success  of  the  peace 
negotiations  of  the  delegates  of  the  Soviet  and  Ukraine 
Governments  with  the  representatives  of  the  Central 
Powers  at  Brest-Litovsk,  definite  steps  were  taken 
to  arrange  for  the  departure  of  the  Czecho-Slovak 
army  to  the  French  front. 

"The  first  movement  was  to  be  the  concentration 
of  all  our  forces  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Dnieper, 
and  this  was  to  be  carried  out  on  the  basis  of  an  agree- 
ment made  with  the  Ukraine-Soviet  Government, 
which  at  one  time  planned  to  establish  a  front  against 
the  Germans  in  the  Ukraine.  (See  Czecho-Slovenny 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    111 

Dennik,  No.  102.)  In  the  meantime,  however,  the 
Germans  began  to  threaten  the  Czecho-Slovaks  from 
both  flanks,  and  they  were  obliged  to  retire  into  the 
territory  of  Great  Russia.  Again  this  retirement  was 
made  in  complete  agreement  with  the  Soviet  authori- 
ties in  the  Ukraine,  an  arrangement  having  been 
reached  with  the  Czecho-Slovak  National  Council  and 
the  commander  of  the  Soviet  forces  of  the  South  Rus- 
sian Republics,  Antonov-Ovsejenko.  On  the  basis  of 
this  agreement  an  order  was  issued  to  the  Czecho- 
slovak Army  Corps  (No.  26,  March  16,  1918)  to  turn 
over  to  the  Soviet  forces  all  superfluous  arms  and  other 
military  equipment,  while  Antonov  on  his  part  issued 
an  order  to  all  revolutionary  forces  of  the  South  Rus- 
sian Republics  (No.  92,  March  16),  from  which  the 
following  is  a  literal  extract: 

"  'Our  comrades  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  Army  Corps, 
who  fought  so  bravely  and  gloriously  at  Zhitomir, 
Kieff,  Grebyonka,  and  Bachmac,  defending  the  way 
to  Poltava  and  Kharkoff,  are  now  leaving  Ukraine 
territory,  and  are  turning  over  to  us  a  part  of  then* 
military  equipment.  The  revolutionary  army  will 
never  forget  the  fraternal  assistance  rendered  by  the 
Czecho-Slovak  Army  Corps  in  the  battle  of  the  work- 
ing people  of  the  Ukraine  against  the  thieving  bands 
of  imperialism.  The  military  equipment  given  up  by 
the  Czecho-Slovaks  the  revolutionary  army  accepts 
as  a  fraternal  gift.' 

"On  the  basis  of  this  agreement,  Antonov  consented 
to  the  departure  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  from  the 
Ukraine,  and  the  staff  of  the  Soviet  army  of  Great 
Russia  also  agreed  to  our  departure  toward  the  East, 


112          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

and  issued  the  necessary  orders  to  the  railway  officials 
who  were  to  attend  to  the  details  of  the  transport  on 
behalf  of  the  Soviet  Government.  Agreement  to  our 
departure  from  Russia  via  Vladivostok  was  also  ex- 
pressed in  telegrams  sent  by  Lenin  and  Trotsky. 

"In  Penza,  however,  a  new  set  of  negotiations  was 
begun.  The  Council  of  People's  Commissioners  in 
Moscow  demanded  the  complete  disarmament  of  the 
Czecho-Slovak  army.  As  the  result  of  the  negotiations 
between  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  the  Moscow  authori- 
ties a  telegram  was  sent  from  Moscow  on  March  26 
signed  by  Stalin,  in  which  a  certain  number  of  arms 
were  to  be  left  to  each  echelon  to  provide  protection 
against  attack  by  counter-revolutionists.  In  this  same 
telegram  the  promise  was  made  to  help  in  every  way 
possible  the  Czecho-Slovaks  as  long  as  they  remain 
on  Russian  territory,  provided  they  mam  tain  an  honest 
and  sincere  loyalty.  Further,  the  Penza  Soviet  was 
ordered  to  appoint  reliable  commissioners  who  were 
to  accompany  the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons  to  Vladi- 
vostok, see  that  then-  unity  as  an  organization  was 
unimpaired,  and  at  the  same  time  keep  the  Council 
of  People's  Commissioners  informed  as  to  the  progress 
of  the  transport.  In  this  same  telegram  it  was  stated 
that  telegrams  with  necessary  instructions  would  be 
sent  by  the  Council  of  Peopled  Commissioners  to  all 
interested  parties. 

"Our  army  maintained  an  honest  and  sincere  loyalty. 
But  meanwhile  the  Soviet  Government  proceeded  to 
break  its  word  at  every  step.  The  Penza  Soviet  named 
but  one  commissioner,  who  went  on  ahead  to  Vladi- 
vostok with  the  first  echelon,  and  there  sat  down  and 


AT  CZECHO-SLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    113 

did  nothing.  In  spite  of  our  repeated  requests  that 
other  commissioners  be  named,  the  Penza  authorities 
absolutely  refused  to  do  this,  giving  as  an  excuse  the 
lack  of  suitable  men. 

"The  local  Soviets  one  after  another  put  all  sorts 
of  obstacles  in  our  path.  In  Samara,  but  400  versts 
beyond  Penza,  the  local  Soviet  demanded  that  we 
give  up  more  of  our  arms.  These  demands  were"  re- 
peated in  Ufa,  Zlatoust,  Omsk,  Irkutsk,  Tchita,  and 
so  on  all  along  the  line.  The  representatives  of  the 
Czecho-Slovak  National  Council,  as  well  as  the  com- 
manders of  the  various  echelons,  used  every  possible 
means  to  prevent  the  movement  of  our  transports 
from  being  halted.  In  Samara  the  echelons  gave  up 
138  rifles  apiece,  leaving  only  thirty  to  an  echelon; 
in  Omsk  each  echelon  gave  up  a  machine-gun,  and 
in  Irkutsk  more  rifles,  until  there  was  left  but  twenty 
to  an  echelon.  The  negotiations  of  these  loyal  Soviets, 
being  in  clear  opposition  to  the  orders  of  the  Council 
of  People's  Commissioners  quoted  above,  often  had 
the  appearance  of  bargaining  at  the  bazaar,  and  for 
the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers  was  insulting  in  the  ex- 
treme, and  had  the  effect  of  increasing  every  day  mis- 
trust in  the  Soviet  Government,  and  in  creating  a 
disgust  for  them  which  ever  grew  stronger. 

"One  great  reason  for  this  lack  of  confidence  and 
disgust  was  the  attitude  assumed  by  the  Soviet  au- 
thorities, both  local  and  central,  toward  those  who  had 
deserted  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  and  joined  the  ranks 
of  the  Red  army.  There  were  not  many  of  them,  and 
they  were  bad  soldiers  and  men  of  weak  characters. 
They  went  over  to  the  Soviet  army  for  mercenary 


114          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

reasons.  The  munificent  salaries,  the  opportunities 
to  at  once  assume  a  position  of  high  rank,  fear  of  the 
French  front,  petty  personal  spite  .  .  .  these  were 
the  motives  that  led  these  men  to  desert  their  com- 
rades. Our  soldiers  knew  these  men,  and  were  glad 
that  they  were  rid  of  them.  The  Soviet  Government 
welcomed  these  deserters  and  supported  them  in  every 
way  possible.  At  Penza  the  Soviet  named  some  of 
these  deserters  as  their  representatives  on  the  com- 
mission which  had  charge  of  receiving  the  arms  given 
up  by  the  Czecho-Slovaks.  Other  deserters  holding 
documents  from  the  Soviet  political  or  military  au- 
thorities insisted  on  coming  into  the  Czecho-Slovak 
echelons  to  carry  on  agitations  for  the  Red  army,  and 
to  determine  if  we  did  not  have  some  arms  hidden  away. 

"  These  deserters,  who  called  themselves  social  revo- 
lutionists, internationalists,  and  communists,  often 
declared  that  the  holding  up  of  our  transport  and  all 
the  obstacles  put  in  our  path  were  for  the  purpose  of 
causing  dissension  within  our  ranks  and  gaining  as 
many  recruits  as  possible  for  the  Red  army.  They 
declared  that  this  was  the  reason  why  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment wished  a  part  of  the  troops  to  go  by  way  of 
Archangel;  that  somewhere  on  the  way  in  a  region 
where  no  food  was  to  be  had  they  planned  to  halt  us 
and  compel  us  from  very  hunger  to  join  their  ranks. 

"The  Czecho-Slovak  National  Council  exercised  all 
its  influence  with  the  army  to  keep  them  from  taking 
stock  in  these  tales,  and  to  induce  them  to  keep  their 
patience,  and  as  good  soldiers  not  to  make  any  reply 
to  the  unfaithfulness  and  insulting  behavior  of  the 
Soviet  Government. 


AT  CZECHO-SLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    115 

"The  atmosphere  was  therefore  highly  charged 
with  electricity  when  the  Cheliabinsk  incident  oc- 
curred. At  Cheliabinsk,  besides  the  Czecho-Slovak 
eshelons,  there  stood  several  trains  filled  with  prisoners 
on  their  way  home  to  Austria  and  Germany.  The 
relations  between  the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers  and  these 
prisoners  was  good,  as  it  was  uniformly  whenever  they 
came  in  contact  with  one  another  on  the  road.  The  sol- 
diers did  carry  on  an  agitation  amongst  them  against 
Austrian  and  German  imperialism,  and  laughed  at 
them  for  returning  to  serve  once  more  under  Austrian 
and  German  officers.  But  at  the  same  tune  they  felt 
sorry  for  them,  and  often  shared  their  food  with  them. 
On  May  14,  one  of  these  prisoners  threw  a  piece  of 
iron  out  of  a  train  that  was  just  leaving,  wounding 
one  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers.  The  soldiers  imme- 
diately surrounded  the  car  from  which  the  iron  had 
been  thrown,  and  demanded  that  the  guilty  prisoner 
be  given  up  to  them.  When  this  was  done,  they  imme- 
diately killed  him.  In  the  course  of  the  investigation 
of  this  affair,  the  local  Soviet  called  as  witnesses  the 
members  of  the  guard  which  had  been  on  duty  at  the 
station.  But  instead  of  hearing  their  testimony,  they 
put  these  men  under  arrest.  A  deputation  which  was 
later  sent  by  the  Czecho-Slovaks  to  demand  the  re- 
lease of  the  guard  was  likewise  put  under  arrest.  This 
illegal  imprisonment  of  their  fellows  was  more  than 
the  soldiers  in  the  echelons  at  Cheliabinsk  could  stand, 
and,  led  by  then*  commanders,  they  marched  into  the 
city,  released  their  imprisoned  comrades,  and  returned 
immediately  to  their  trains.  No  attack  by  force 
was  made,  the  whole  proceeding  was  conducted  in 


116          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

an  orderly  and  quiet  manner,  hardly  a  shot  being 
fired. 

"The  local  Soviet  proceeded  to  describe  this  action 
on  the  part  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  in  lurid  colors  in 
telegrams  sent  out  in  all  directions.  Believing  the 
information  thus  imparted  to  them,  the  Council  of 
People's  Commissioners  issued  an  order  to  completely 
disarm  all  Czecho-Slovak  echelons.  At  the  same 
time  orders  were  issued  to  the  Soviets  of  all  cities  where 
our  echelons  were  then  located  to  proceed  against 
them  by  force.  Accordingly,  almost  on  the  same  day 
the  Soviet  forces,  composed  for  the  most  part  of  Magyar 
and  German  prisoners  of  war,  fell  upon  the  Czecho- 
slovak echelons,  which  were  almost  entirely  disarmed. 
At  the  attack  made  upon  echelons  of  the  Sixth  Czecho- 
slovak Regiment  at  Marianovka,  near  Omsk,  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  suffered  losses  amounting  to  ten  killed 
and  ten  severely  wounded.  The  staff  of  the  First  Regi- 
ment, whose  echelon  was  attacked  at  Zlatoust,  de- 
fended itself  with  stones  against  the  machine-guns 
and  rifles  of  the  Bolsheviks,  but  lost  six  men  killed 
and  ten  severely  wounded,  and  was  compelled  to  make 
its  way  across  the  Urals  on  foot.  Similarly  the  staff 
of  the  Second  Artillery  Brigades  was  attacked  at  Imo- 
kentjeska,  near  Irkutsk,  when  they  had  already  given 
up  their  arms.  Machine-guns  placed  in  the  windows 
of  the  railway-station  opened  up  a  heavy  fire  upon 
the  Czecho-Slovaks,  but  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
men  had  no  arms  except  a  few  hand-grenades,  they 
succeeded  in  clearing  the  station  of  Bolshevist  forces 
and  in  capturing  their  machine-guns.  A  fourth  attack 
was  made  at  Serodobsk,  south  from  Penza.  All  of 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    117 

these  attacks  were  made  on  May  27  and  the  following 
two  or  three  days  immediately  after  the  issuance  of 
the  order  from  Moscow  to  disarm  the  Czecho-Slovaks 
at  any  cost. 

"Prior  to  these  events,  but  after  the  first  incident 
at  Cheliabinsk,  the  Assembly  of  Czecho-Slovak  Sol- 
diers met  for  its  annual  meeting  and  decided  that  hi 
view  of  the  tense  situation  existing  between  the  Soviet 
Government  and  the  Czecho-Slovaks,  vigorous  meas- 
ures must  be  taken  immediately  in  order  to  secure  the 
rapid  passage  of  the  trams  toward  Vladivostok.  Ac- 
cordingly delegates  were  despatched  to  all  echelons 
with  instructions  to  proceed  ahead  at  any  cost,  and 
an  executive  committee  was  appointed  to  see  that 
these  plans  were  carried  out.  The  executive  committee 
in  formulating  its  plans  counted  on  the  probability 
of  an  armed  conflict  with  the  Bolshevik  forces,  but 
felt  confident  that  they  would  be  able  to  force  their 
way  through  to  Vladivostok  in  spite  of  any  resistance 
that  might  be  offered  by  the  Soviet  forces.  The  reason 
for  their  confidence  in  the  successful  outcome  of  their 
new  plan  lay  not  only  in  the  well-known  weakness  of 
the  Red  army,  but  also  in  the  fact  of  their  knowledge 
that  the  people  at  large  were  sick  and  tired  of  the  Bol- 
shevist rule,  and  that  therefore  they  would  not  turn 
a  hand  to  help  the  Bolshevists  in  any  possible  conflict 
with  the  Czecho-Slovaks.  Furthermore,  the  Czecho- 
slovaks, from  their  ultimate  knowledge  of  political 
conditions  throughout  Russia,  judged  that  the  feeling 
against  the  Bolshevists  was  strongest  in  the  very  regions 
where  most  of  then-  echelons  were  located,  namely  hi 
the  Urals  and  western  Siberia.  The  executive  com- 


118          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

mittee,  therefore,  in  planning  their  action,  took  cogni- 
zance of  these  facts  and  planned  to  take  advantage 
both  of  the  weakness  of  the  Red  army  and  of  the  strong 
popular  feeling  against  the  Bolsheviks  to  force  their 
way  through  to  the  East.  That  their  action  would 
be  accompanied  by  or  followed  by  the  overthrow  of 
the  Soviet  Government  and  the  establishment  of  a 
new  government  in  western  Siberia  never  entered  into 
their  calculations,  although  later,  when  the  fall  of  the 
Soviet  Government  was  an  accomplished  fact,  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  were  the  first  to  welcome  the  new 
government  and  to  lend  it  their  moral  and  armed  sup- 
port. 

"The  plans  of  the  executive  committee  for  the  forc- 
ing of  the  passage  to  Vladivostok  had  not  been  thor- 
oughly worked  out  when  the  events  of  May  25  brought 
things  to  an  issue.  By  its  cowardly  attacks  upon  the 
Czecho-Slovak  echelons  the  Soviet  Government  began 
a  warfare  against  the  Czecho-Slovaks,  the  object  of 
which  was,  according  to  the  command  of  Trotsky,  to 
disarm  and  disband  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  corps, 
place  them  in  prison-camps,  and  there  try  to  enlist 
them  in  the  ranks  of  the  Red  army  or  to  put  them  out 
at  hard  labor.  In  short,  they  wished  to  destroy  en- 
tirely the  Czecho-Slovak  army,  that  important  moral 
support  of  the  revolutionary  movement  of  the  Czecho- 
slovakia and  the  other  oppressed  nationalities  of  Aus- 
tria-Hungary. 

"After  the  first  order  to  disarm  completely  the 
Czecho-Slovak  echelons,  there  still  remained  the  pos- 
sibility of  diplomatic  negotiations.  But  after  the  at- 
tack made  upon  the  echelons  on  May  25-26,  the  soul 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    119 

of  each  soldier  cried  out  for  revenge  for  the  blood  of 
their  innocent  comrades.  And  so  there  was  nothing 
left  but  war,  a  war  which  has  already  resulted  in  the 
seizure  of  almost  the  entire  Siberian  Railway  by  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  and  the  fall  of  the  Soviet  Government 
all  along  the  line. 

"The  Czecho-Slovaks  are  convinced  that  the  action 
taken  against  them  by  the  Soviet  Government  was 
dictated  from  Berlin  through  the  German  ambassador 
in  Moscow,  Count  Mirbach.  This  conviction  is  based 
on  the  opinion,  very  widely  spread  throughout  Russia, 
that  the  Soviet  Government  are  the  paid  agents  of 
Germany.  This  conviction  grew  stronger  as  repeated 
attempts  were  made  to  disarm  the  soldiers,  for  the 
men  could  not  but  see  in  this  disarmament  real  danger, 
knowing  as  they  did  that  the  Central  Soviet  Govern- 
ment was  really  powerless,  and  that  in  most  places 
the  chief  strength  of  their  armed  forces  consisted  in 
armed  German  and  Magyar  prisoners.  For  example, 
in  Omsk  the  commander  of  the  forces  of  the  Inter- 
nationalists, composed  of  prisoners,  was  an  Austro- 
Hungarian  officer,  a  Magyar  by  race.  This  officer, 
Ligeti  by  name,  had  all  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  other 
Slavs  who  were  serving  in  the  Red  army  disarmed, 
so  that  Omsk  was  really  in  the  hands  of  this  Austro- 
Hungarian  officer.  In  Ishim  the  Red  army  was  com- 
posed entirely  of  Magyars.  In  Petropavlovsk  the 
men  who  came  to  negotiate  with  the  Czecho-Slovaks 
in  the  guise  of  Czech  communists  afterward  proved 
to  be  the  representatives  of  the  German  section  of  the 
Internationalists.  The  commanding  officers  of  the 
Red  army  were  in  many  cases  Germans  and  Magyars, 


120          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

judging  by  the  orders  and  the  curses  in  those  tongues 
that  were  heard  on  all  sides  during  the  battles.  When 
the  echelon  was  attacked  near  Irkutsk,  there  was  heard 
the  command:  'Schiessen.' 

"The  conviction  that  the  Soviet  Government  wished 
to  destroy  our  forces  was  also  strengthened  by  the 
constant  holding  up  of  the  transport,  for  which  no 
adequate  cause  could  be  found.  At  first  the  delay 
was  blamed  upon  the  Amur  railway,  where  transpor- 
tation was  reported  to  have  been  halted.  The  advance 
of  Semenov  upon  Irkutsk  was  given  as  an  excuse.  But 
the  Czecho-Slovaks  soon  learned  that  transportation 
on  the  Amur  railway  had  been  soon  resumed,  while 
the  advance  of  Semenov  existed  more  in  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  Soviet  authorities  than  in  reality.  Amongst 
other  excuses  given  was  that  of  a  lack  of  locomotives 
on  the  Amur  road,  but  all  the  while  German  prisoners 
were  being  merrily  transported  toward  the  west,  and 
there  were  plenty  of  locomotives  for  them. 

"On  April  20  the  people's  commissioner  for  for- 
eign affairs,  Tchitcherin,  sent  the  following  telegram 
to  the  Siberian  Soviets:  'Transport  German  prisoners 
as  rapidly  as  possible  toward  the  west.  Hold  back 
the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons.' 

"It  was  only  after  a  long  and  tedious  session  of  nego- 
tiations that  there  was  secured  an  order  for  the  renewal 
of  our  transport  toward  Vladivostok.  One  day,  about 
May  15,  a  member  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  National 
Council  was  officially  informed  that  the  trains  would 
now  be  moved.  On  the  very  next  day,  however,  he 
learned  through  private  conversation  with  the  railway 
officials  that  another  order  had  been  issued  in  Irkutsk 
to  stop  the  movements  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  trains. 


AT  CZECHO-SLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    121 

He  finally  learned  that  this  command  had  issued  from 
the  commander  of  the  Soviet  forces  at  Irkutsk,  General 
von  Taube,  a  German,  whose  adjutant  had  issued 
the  order  by  'mistake.' 

"The  Seventh  Czecho-Slovak  Regiment  captured  a 
German  engineer,  who  had  been  commandeered  from 
Moscow  to  destroy  the  bridges  and  tunnels  on  the 
railroad  beyond  the  Baikal.  In  Troitsk  the  com- 
manders of  the  Soviet  artillery  were  all  Austrian 
officers. 

"From  all  these  facts  even  an  uninterested  onlooker 
may  picture  to  himself  the  news  which  had  been  spread 
about  the  Czecho-Slovak  army.  Inasmuch  as  the 
warfare  is  still  being  carried  on  on  all  sides,  it  has  not 
been  possible  to  gather  all  the  evidence  from  the  Soviet 
offices,  and  unfortunately  in  many  cases  the  Bolsheviks 
succeeded  in  carrying  away  with  them  or  destroying 
all  their  papers  before  our  men  took  possession.  Later, 
however,  there  will  be  certainly  found  many  proofs  of 
the  truth  of  the  assertion  made  by  the  president  of  the 
Cheliabinsk  Soviet  and  the  military  commissioner  in 
that  town,  who  informed  our  representatives  in  con- 
fidence, shortly  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  that 
the  cause  of  all  the  acts  against  the  Czecho-Slovaks 
was  the  German  ambassador  at  Moscow. 

"Translation  certified  to  be  accurate  and  is  hereby 
authorized. 

(Signature)  PROZATIMNI 

(Seal)  VYKONNY 

VYBOR." 

The  Czechs  were  opposed,  however,  not  only  by 
the  Red  army  but  by  prisoners  of  war  of  the  Central 


122          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Empires.  Both  Germany  and  Austria  attempted  in 
April  to  mobilize  their  citizens  who  were  in  Russia  in 
order  to  bring  them  back  to  central  Europe  to  take 
part  in  the  fighting  on  the  Western  front.  At  various 
depots,  which  the  Czecho-Slovak  armies  took  over 
during  their  march  across  Siberia,  they  found  copies 
of  telegrams  of  which  the  following  is  an  example: 

"Telegram  from  Berlin  No.  772,650,  1918. 

"To  all  German,  Austrian,  and  Hungarian  prisoners 
of  war  in  Russia: 

"1.  Every  one  who  distinguished  himself  .during 
his  captivity  by  some  work  for  the  benefit  of  his  coun- 
try has  the  right  to  look  for  a  betterment  of  his  con- 
ditions. 

"2.  All  who  obey  this  order  will  receive  after  their 
return  home  a  month's  furlough  and  will  be  sent  to 
the  front  only  after  four  months,  if  it  is  necessaiy. 

"3.  He  who  is  not  working  in  Russia  for  his  country, 
will  after  his  return  be  severely  punished.  It  is  an* 
indisputable  fact  that  it  is  better  to  work  for  our  own 
culture  than  abroad. 

"4.  He  who  behaves  unworthily  in  captivity  and 
betrays  his  country  will  be  punished  with  all  severity. 
For  the  discovery  of  traitors  300,000  marks  have  been 
appropriated.  Officers  who  have  not  received  their 
salaries  will  get  them  upon  their  return  home. 

"5.  Special  officers  will  care  for  the  return  of 
prisoners.  I  order  all  commandants  of  trains  to  trouble 
themselves  in  providing  quick  transportation. 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  II. 

CHAKLES  I. 

"BERLIN,  April  28,  1918." 


AT  CZECHO-SLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    123 

The  Czecho-Slovak  version  of  the  incidents  which 
led  to  war  with  the  Bolsheviki  differ  from  the  explana- 
tions given  by  the  various  Soviets.  For  instance,  hi 
the  railroad  offices  of  the  trans-Baikal  railway  was 
found  the  following  statement,  No.  2,640: 

"From  Russia  to  Vladivostok  are  moving  sixteen 
echelons  of  Czecho-Slovaks,  at  the  disposal  of  America, 
ostensibly  to  be  sent  to  France.  In  view  of  the  hostile 
attitude  of  international  imperialism  and  threats  of 
a  foreign  landing  at  Vladivostok,  the  central  executive 
committee  of  Soviets  in  Siberia  considers  the  concen- 
tration there  of  these  forces  dangerous  and  inadmissible. 
It  has  therefore  applied  to  the  Omsk  military  com- 
mittee with  the  demand  that  the  further  movement 
of  these  troops  be  stopped  until  there  is  further  com- 
munication with  the  Soviet  of  the  Peoples'  Commission 
in  Moscow. 

"To  our  question  Comrade  Stalin  answered  in  the 
name  of  the  Soviet  of  the  Peoples'  Commission  as 
follows: 

"  'In  the  name  of  the  Russian  Republic  there  can 
be  no  other  armed  detachments  than  those  of  the 
Soviets,'  and  he  advised  the  local  Soviet  to  disarm 
them.  The  central  Siberian  Government  cannot  be 
satisfied  with  this  decision.  They  protested  again  to 
the  Peoples'  Commission  and  demanded  that  the 
echelons  be  sent  to  Archangel,  because  the  concen- 
tration in  Vladivostok,  where  there  are  large  stocks 
of  arms  and  many  thousands  of  unarmed  soldiers,  will 
place  them  at  the  disposal  of  international  imperialists, 
and  may  turn  out  to  be  the  decisive  blow  to  the  Soviet 


124          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

authority  in  Siberia,  especially  at  the  moment  of  the 
advance  now  being  prepared  by  Semenov.  Therefore, 
the  central  Siberian  Government  categorically  de- 
mands of  all  local  Soviets  and  railway  servants  the 
immediate  disarmament  and  suspension  of  the  move- 
ment of  the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons.  Their  arms 
must  be  delivered  up  in  full  to  the  staffs  of  the  mili- 
tary district.  The  soldiers  must  be  detained  where 
they  are  disarmed  until  the  question  of  their  destina- 
tion is  settled.  We  have  again  put  this  question  to 
the  Soviet  of  Peoples'  Commission. 

"  'When  will  you  answer  our  statement  about  the 
impossibility  of  sending  the  Czecho-Slovaks  to  Vladi- 
vostok? We  categorically  demand  that  they  be  sent 
over  Archangel. 

(Signed)          PRESIDENT,  CENTRAL  SIBERIAN 
EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE,  YAKOLEV, 
SECRETARY  KLINOV.' 

This  shows  the  difficulty  which  arose  in  Siberia  as 
well  as  in  Russia  because  of  the  fact  that  there  was 
no  responsible  central  government,  and  only  local 
governments  scattered  throughout  the  country  each 
one  with  different  ideas  about  the  conduct  of  national 
affairs.  That  there  should  eventually  be  a  conflict 
between  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  the  Russian  Soviets 
was  obvious  because  of  this  very  fact  that  a  Soviet 
in  Siberia  would  not  be  bound  by  what  the  Soviet  in 
European  Russia  might  do. 

The  Bolsheviki,  however,  have  always  maintained 
that  the  difficulties  with  the  Czecho-Slovaks  arose,  not 
from  any  faults  of  the  Bolsheviki,  but  because  of  an 


AT  CZECHO-SLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    125 

unwarranted  attack  by  several  of  the  Czecho-Slovak 
echelons  upon  local  councils.  There  is  extant  the 
following  document  signed  by  the  People's  Commis- 
sariat for  Military  Affairs  and  Member  of  the  Supreme 
Military  Council  Podvolsky: 

"Supreme  Military  Inspector  of  the  People's  Com- 
missariat for  Military  Affairs.  Dated  Zlatoust,  May 
30,  1918.  Railway  car  of  the  Supreme  Military  In- 
spector. 

"The  Czecho-Slovak  eschelons  sent  by  the  Soviet 
authorities  to  Vladivostok  on  the  Zlatoust-Cheliabinsk 
line,  insolently  raised  a  mutiny  against  the  Russian 
Soviet  Republic.  They  have  thereby  placed  them- 
selves in  the  ranks  of  the  greatest  enemies  of  the  re- 
public, and  no  mercy  will  be  shown  them  if  they  do 
not  return  to  reason. 

"Endowed  by  the  workmen's  and  peasants'  govern- 
ment with  plenal  powers  in  military  matters  I  order 
the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons  confronted  with  a  bloody 
penalty  of  being  shot  in  masses  by  the  Soviet  troops, 
to  leave  their  echelon  and  take  up  quarters  in  bar- 
racks, as  directed  by  the  local  military  authorities,  un- 
til further  instructions,  which  will  follow  on  comple- 
tion of  the  labors  of  the  mixed  commission,  and  with 
the  representatives  of  the  French  military  commission 
about  which  all  the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons  have 
been  informed  by  the  Czecho-Slovak  representative, 
Professor  Max,  whose  telegram  is  enclosed  herewith." 

The  telegram,  which  was  enclosed,  was  as  follows: 

"Iz  to  Moscow  No.  702.  To  commanders  of  Czecho- 
slovak Echelons,  President  of  the  conference,  Military 
Commission  of  Cheliabinsk. 


126          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"In  view  of  the  regrettable  occurrences,  the  con- 
flicts between  the  Czecho-Slovak  echelons  and  the 
local  Soviet  authorities,  the  Czecho-Slovak  National 
Council  in  order  to  avoid  such  deplorable  cases  orders 
all  commanders  of  Czecho-Slovak  echelons  to  deliver, 
without  debate,  all  their  arms  without  exception  to 
the  official  representatives  of  the  local  Soviets.  The 
duty  of  assuring  the  safety  of  the  Czechs  rests  entirely 
upon  the  Soviet  institution  of  the  Russian  Federal 
Republic.  Whoever  does  not  obey  this  order  will  be 
considered  a  mutineer  and  outlaw. 

"May  21,  1918,  P.  Max,  Manager  of  Operations, 
Section  of  Military  Commission." 

In  the  meantime,  however,  the  Bolsheviki  made 
extensive  preparations  for  an  attack  upon  the  Czechs. 
The  feeling  between  the  two  sides  was  very  bitter  and 
all  that  was  needed  was  an  incident  to  start  the  war. 
Even  the  Bolshevist  version  of  the  incident  which 
brought  on  the  war  shows  that  the  actions  of  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  were  due  directly  to  attacks  made 
upon  one  of  their  echelons.  Leon  Trotsky,  the  Bol- 
shevist minister  of  war,  sent  his  attorney  Sevkovkin 
to  the  Moscow  telegraph  office  to  talk  with  the  dis- 
trict military  commissioner  Sedlutsky  at  Cheliabinsk. 
Their  conversation,  which  was  written  out  by  the 
operator  at  Cheliabinsk,  who  received  and  transmitted 
the  questions  and  answers,  was  as  follows: 

"By  direct  wire  Moscow-Cheliabinsk.  Speaking 
from  Moscow  Trotsky's  attorney,  M.  Sedkovkin. 
Speaking  from  Cheliabinsk  District  Military  Com- 
missar Sedlutsky. 

"With  you  is  speaking  Sedkovkin,  authorized  by 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    127 

Comrade  Trotsky.  Kindly  tell  me  all  you  know  about 
the  Czecho-Slovak  formation  and  the  object  of  their 
action.  Explain  everything  in  detail. 

"On  May  16  there  arrived  in  Cheliabinsk  station 
an  echelon  of  Magyar  prisoners.  According  to  data, 
a  stone  or  stove-leg  was  thrown  into  a  truck  of  Czecho- 
slovaks. A  fight  took  place  between  the  Czechs  and 
Germans,  enhanced  by  their  national  antipathies,  as 
a  result  of  which  one  Magyar  was  killed.  The  next 
day  a  delegation  of  Czechs  went  to  the  committee  of 
investigation  in  order  to  explain  the  murder,  which 
delegation  was  arrested.  In  connection  therewith  the 
Czechs  became  excited  and  at  six  o'clock  on  the  eve- 
ning of  May  17,  having  armed,  they  entered  the  town, 
occupied  all  corners  and  streets,  placed  a  company 
at  the  building  of  the  Executive  Committee  and  left 
parts  of  companies  on  other  streets.  Beside  that,  they 
occupied  the  station  and  arrested  there  the  commandant 
and  several  commissaries.  They  did  not  enter  the 
Executive  Committee.  They  presented  a  demand  for 
the  immediate  release  of  those  arrested.  I  was  per- 
sonally among  them,  and  they  continually  demanded 
the  release  of  the  arrested  ones,  and  when  I  explained 
to  them  that  their  action  was  directed  against  the 
Soviet  authorities,  they  declared  that  they  were  not 
acting  against  the  Soviet,  but  only  wanted  the  release 
of  the  arrested  delegation.  We  categorically  demanded 
that  they  go  away  in  order  to  avoid  bloodshed,  for 
we  might  lose  control  of  our  Red  army,  and  they  might 
start  firing,  but  it  led  to  nothing.  To  avoid  bloodshed, 
and  in  view  of  the  discipline  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks, 
and  the  unreadiness  of  our  Red  army,  it  was  decided 


128          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

to  release  those  arrested.  After  this  they  returned, 
singing,  to  their  cars.  Our  Red  army  was  ready,  and 
occupied  part  of  the  town  behind  the  river.  At  the 
time  of  the  occupation  of  the  town  the  Czechs  disarmed 
the  guard  of  the  Military  Commissary,  rummaged 
among  the  papers,  broke  the  telephone  wire,  stole  a 
part  of  the  arms,  disarmed  a  part  of  the  Red  Guards, 
and  took  from  them  two  machine-guns.  They  in- 
stituted searches  of  pedestrians,  took  away  their  arms, 
and  even  the  revolver  of  the  President  of  the  Execu- 
tive Committee.  On  the  part  of  the  Czechs  there 
were  three  killed  and  two  wounded  by  provocatory 
shots;  on  our  side  there  no  losses,  for  it  was  forbidden 
to  shoot.  There  are  altogether  with  us  about  8,400 
Czecho-Slovaks,  of  whom  1,600  are  armed  and  they 
have  six  machine-guns. 

"The  next  day  martial  law  was  proclaimed  and 
order  was  restored. 

"On  May  18  we  invited  the  Czechs  to  surrender 
the  stolen  arms,  and  they  gave  up  the  rifles  already 
taken  from  the  Red  Guard,  and  two  machine-guns, 
but  as  regards  most  of  the  stolen  arms,  the  command- 
ing officers  promised  to  return  same  but  asked  leave 
to  wait  a  day  or  two,  as  the  mass  of  soldiers  was  in- 
subordinate and  did  not  trust  them,  since,  according 
to  pledges  given  by  the  Soviet  of  Peoples'  Commis- 
saries, they  were  to  travel  to  Vladivostok  but  are 
detained  here,  and  if  they  were  forced  to  give  up  their 
arms  now,  while  still  in  a  state  of  excitement,  they 
would  not  obey  the  order.  We  wanted  to  disarm  them, 
but  have  not  sufficient  strength,  and  they  are,  in  ad- 
dition very  watchful.  Local  government  and  district 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    129 

Soviets  and  Ekaterinburg  cannot  give  forces,  as  they 
have  been  sent  from  us  to  Orenburg.  It  is  desirable, 
by  all  means,  to  move  the  Czechs  to  Siberia,  for  in 
future  a  halt  of  over  a  month  in  the  echelons,  not 
knowing  when  they  will  go  on,  in  the  end  may  cause 
in  their  minds  a  violent  fermentation,  and  to  get  en- 
tangled with  them,  when  the  Cossack  action  is  not  yet 
liquidated,  would  be  undesirable. 

"After  their  outburst  they  posted  proclamations, 
stating  that  they  will  not  oppose  the  Soviet  authority, 
and  that  they  had  acted  because  we  had  arrested  them 
wrongfully. 

"At  present  all  is  quiet.  At  Ekaterinburg  it  has 
been  decided  not  to  disarm  them,  in  view  of  lack  of 
sufficient  forces,  which  have  been  sent  to  Orenburg 
and  which  await  instructions  from  the  Soviet  of  Peoples' 
Committee.  That  is  all  I  can  say  at  present.  To- 
morrow will  inform  you  more  in  detail,  if  necessary, 
as  I  have  perhaps  omitted  something  to-day.  The 
whole  matter  is  under  investigation. 

"Good,  thanks.  If  you  have  any  information,  in- 
form us.  Keep  in  touch  with  us.  Arrange  regular 
attendance  at  the  telegraph. 

"Good,  will  inform  you  of  everything.    Good-by. 
"Correct  translation 

"Adjutant  of  Second  Czecho-Slovak  Shooting  Regi- 
ment, 

"I.  MESAR." 

It  was  after  this  conversation  that  Trotsky  sent 
the  following  telegram  to  all  Bolshevist  representatives 
along  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway: 


130          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"All  Soviets  on  the  railways  are  obliged,  on  pain 
of  grave  responsibility,  to  disarm  the  Czecho-Slovaks. 
Each  Czecho-Slovak  on  whom  is  found  arms  on  the 
railway  line  is  to  be  shot  on  the  spot.  Each  echelon, 
in  which  a  single  armed  man  is  found,  must  be  thrown 
off  the  trucks,  and  the  men  confined  in  a  prisoner-camp. 
Local  military  commissariats  are  enjoined  to  execute 
this  order  at  once.  Any  delay  will  be  equivalent  to 
dishonorable  treachery,  and  will  call  down  on  the  cul- 
prit severest  punishment.  Simultaneously,  reliable 
troops,  who  are  commissioned  to  teach  the  mutineers 
a  lesson,  are  being  sent  against  the  rear  of  the  Czech 
echelons.  Those  Czecho-Slovaks  who  lay  down  their 
arms  will  be  treated  as  brothers;  every  support  will 
be  given  them.  Trotsky." 

Siberia  and  central  Russia  became  almost  imme- 
diately the  scene  of  military  operations  between  the 
two  contending  forces.  The  Bolsheviki,  who  were 
masters  at  propaganda  because  it  was  propaganda 
which  had  been  their  main  weapon  for  a  decade  before 
the  revolution,  placarded  Russia  with  appeals  from 
local  Soviets  to  peasants,  workmen,  and  Cossacks. 
An  appeal  dated  May  28,  1918,  and  posted  on  Omsk 
is  an  indication  of  the  nature  of  the  propaganda  car- 
ried on  in  Russia  by  the  Bolsheviki.  It  reads  as  fol- 
lows: 

"Comrades:  Surely  not  because  of  the  pretty  eyes 
of  the  compromising  Socialists  and  the  upstarts  from 
the  ranks  of  the  Co-operatives  have  the  Japanese  and 
Czecho-Slovak  leaders,  who  are  in  the  service  of  the 
French  bourgeoisie,  thrown  their  detachments  into  the 
fight  with  the  workmen  and  peasants  authority.  The 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    131 

imperialistic  bourgeoisie  for  friendship,  gratuitously, 
does  nothing !  It  has  its  own  interests.  In  its  own 
interest,  Franco- Japanese  capital  seizes  Siberia  just 
as  the  German  capitalists  have  seized  the  Ukraine. 
The  same  object  is  pursued  by  the  Franco- Japanese 
capitalists.  The  riches  of  Siberia  are  necessary  to  them. 

"But  simultaneously  it  is  imperative  to  them  to 
lay  a  steel  grasp  on  the  people  of  Siberia,  and  with  ma- 
chine-gun fire  to  force  the  working  class,  the  peasants, 
and  Cossacks  of  Siberia,  to  again  enter  the  ranks  of 
the  imperialistic  army,  to  again  litter  with  their  corpses 
the  field  of  battle,  and  to  again  become  the  marionettes 
of  capital. 

"Indifferent  attitude  to  the  position  of  the  Soviet 
authority  leads  you  to  this.  We  summon  you  to  pro- 
tect the  Soviet  authority. 

"Not  for  a  moment  should  you  forget  that  before 
you  are  only  two  ways:  Either  resistance  to  the  ad- 
ventures, a  deperate  resistance,  and  the  strengthening 
of  the  Soviet  authority;  or  the  yoke  of  the  Skoropad- 
skie-Sazonoffs,  lackeys  of  the  imperialistic  bourgeoisie, 
and  fresh  colossal  sacrifices  of  blood  for  strange  in- 
terests, for  the  interests  of  the  still  militaristic  bour- 
geoisie. There  is  no  other  way  out!" 

During  all  of  this  tune  the  Allies  were  playing  tag 
with  the  Bolsheviki  and  dilly-dallying  with  Russian 
policies.  Although  the  representatives  of  the  Allies, 
meeting  in  Rome  in  the  spring  of  1918,  had  indicated 
their  sympathies  for  the  oppressed  nations  of  Austria- 
Hungary,  they  had  not  advanced  to  the  point  where 
they  were  willing  to  take  sides  in  Russia  in  the  dis- 
pute between  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  the  Bolsheviki. 


132          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Officially  the  Czechs  were  under  the  command  of  the 
French,  because  France  was  the  first  to  finance  the 
Czecho-Slovak  revolutionary  movement  and  because 
French  officers  were  the  first  to  assist  the  Czechs  in 
Russia.  At  the  very  beginning  of  the  difficulties  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Cheliabinsk,  official  representa- 
tives of  the  Allies  were  involved.  Even  after  the  fight 
at  Cheliabinsk  and  in  Omsk  the  Czecho-Slovaks  had 
not  changed  their  plan  of  going  on  to  Vladivostok  and 
France,  but  because  of  the  unfortunate  attacks  by 
the  Bolsheviki  a  new  agreement  had  to  be  drawn  in 
order  to  guarantee  the  Czecho-Slovak  forces  unre- 
stricted travel  to  Vladivostok.  The  Czechs  believed 
that  the  attitude  of  the  Red  Guard  was  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  Germans. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  the  controversy  the  Omsk 
Soviets  appealed  to  United  States  Consul  Thompson 
for  support.  Mr.  Thompson  pointed  out  that  he  could 
not  confer  with  his  government  because  the  Bolsheviki 
had  prohibited  the  use  of  cipher  telegrams,  despite 
the  assurance  of  Consul-General  Poole,  which  he  had 
obtained  from  Foreign  Minister  Tchitcherin.  The 
Soviet,  however,  again  requested  the  American  consul 
to  appear  at  a  conference  between  the  Soviet  and  the 
French-Czech  delegates  at  Isilkul.  At  this  meeting, 
however,  the  lack  of  confidence  on  both  sides  in  any 
agreement  was  so  evident  that  the  conference  could 
not  possibly  come  to  a  successful  conclusion.  Even 
Major  Guinet,  who  was  representing  the  French  Gov- 
ernment, was  so  in  doubt  about  the  attitude  of  his 
government  and  the  Allies,  that  he  sent  the  following 
telegram  to  the  Czechs: 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    133 

"Your  action  forces  the  French  Mission  to  wash 
its  hands  of  this  affair.  It  will  be  a  disgrace  for  the 
Czechs  to  become  involved  in  Russia's  difficulties.  If 
the  Czechs  persist  in  their  activities  everything  must 
end  between  them  and  the  French  Government.  The 
Czechs  must  take  no  action  whatever  until  the  French 
Mission  arrives  in  Isilkul." 

The  conference  was  continued  for  two  or  three  days, 
but  the  difficulty  which  developed  here  was  the  one 
which  was  present  in  every  phase  of  the  negotiations 
in  Russia.  The  Allies  were  not  united  upon  either  a 
Russian  policy  or  upon  their  attitude  toward  the 
Czecho-Slovaks,  and  while  the  French  representative 
informed  the  Czechs  on  the  night  of  May  31  that  the 
French  Government  would  "wash  its  hands  of  this 
affair,"  he  stated  the  following  day  to  the  Bolsheviki 
delegates  at  the  conference: 

"The  Czechs  are  courageous  troops.  Armed,  they 
know  they  can  attain  their  end,  and  complete  their 
journey.  While  en  route  they  have  no  desire  to  shed 
blood.  Their  aim  is  to  reach  France.  Concessions 
from  both  sides  are  imperative.  You  possess  some 
strength  and  they  possess  some  strength.  Safety  is 
necessary  to  them  and  must  be  guaranteed.  At  present 
it  is  only  a  question  of  time.  It  is  premature  to  talk 
of  the  surrender  of  arms.  This  question  must  be  re- 
ferred to  the  coming  conference  at  Cheliabinsk.  Other- 
wise the  Czechs  will  take  Omsk,  and  arms  in  hand  will 
secure  their  onward  progress." 

WTiile  the  Soviet  adjourned  to  discuss  the  question 
and  decide  upon  their  action  the  French  and  Czech 
delegates  received  a  telegram  from  Isilkul  ordering 


134  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

them  to  leave.  Before  the  meeting  could  be  adjourned 
both  sides  agreed  that  the  truce  should  remain  only 
until  both  sides  were  notified. 

Thus  the  war  was  on.  The  Bolsheviki  were  united. 
The  Czechs  were  united.  The  Bolsheviki  had  the 
support  of  the  Germans  and  Austrians  while  the  Czecho- 
slovaks, for  the  moment,  were  without  moral  assistance 
or  political  support  or  the  military  co-operation  of  any 
of  the  Allies.  It  was  not  until  June  22,  three  weeks 
after  their  break  with  the  Soviet,  that  the'Czechs  were 
given  their  first  intimation  that  they  might  rely  on 
the  assistance  of  the  Allies.  On  that  date  Major  Guinet 
received  the  following  message,  which  had  been  brought 
by  courier  from  Perm  to  Cheliabinsk,  dated  May  18, 
and  which  he  delivered  to  the  Czecho-Slovak  National 
Council: 

"The  French  ambassador  informs  Major  Guinet 
that  he  can  thank  the  Czecho-Slovaks  for  their  action, 
this  hi  the  name  of  all  the  Allies  who  have  decided  to 
intervene  the  end  of  June,  and  the  Czech  army  and 
the  French  Mission,  form  the  advance-guard  of  the 
Allied  army.  Recommendations  will  follow  concerning 
political  and  military  points  with  respect  to  occupation 
and  organization." 

One  month  later  the  acting  consul  of  the  United 
States  in  Omsk  received  a  cipher  message  forwarded 
from  the  United  States  Consulate  in  Samara.  This 
telegram,  dated  July  22,  1918,  read: 

"Cipher  despatch  from  consul-general  assumed, 
Moscow,  to  this  office  (Samara)  dated  June  18:  The 
last  official  news.  Quote :  You  may  inform  the  Czecho- 
slovak leaders,  confidentially,  that  pending  further 


AT  CZECHOSLOVAK  HEADQUARTERS    135 

notice  the  Allies  will  be  glad  from  a  political  point 
of  view  to  have  them  hold  their  present  position.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  should  not  be  hampered  in  meet- 
ing the  military  exigency  of  the  situation.  It  is  de- 
sirable first  of  all  that  they  should  secure  the  control 
of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  and  second,  if  this  is 
assumed,  at  the  same  time  possible  retain  control  over 
the  territory  which  they  now  dominate.  Inform  the 
French  representative  that  the  French  consul-general 
joins  in  these  instructions,  end  quote." 

Two  days  later  the  United  States  consul-general  at 
Irkutsk  telegraphed  the  American  vice-gonsul  in  Omsk 
the  following: 

"Gray,  Amconsul,  Omsk: 

"I  consider  this  wise  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
Allies  wish  the  Czechs  to  be  the  main  backbone  and 
support  of  Allied  action  in  Siberia  and  Russia  against 
Germany. 

"HARRIS." 

i 

The  Czecho-Slovak  organization  was  as  hopeful  as 
it  was  enthusiastic  when  these  messages  were  received. 
Despite  the  plans  which  had  been  made  for  the  journey 
to  France,  they  were  willing  to  remain  in  Russia  to 
fight  the  Bolsheviki,  hot  alone  because  the  Red  army 
had  attacked  their  echelons,  not  alone  because,  hi 
this  manner,  they  could  fight  Germany  and  Austria- 
Hungary,  but  because  they  believed  that  the  Allies 
would  be  indebted  to  them  and  support  their  aspira- 
tions for  the  establishment  of  Czecho-Slovakia  as  an 
independent  republic. 


136          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

But  they  were  doomed  to  disappointment  because 
the  messages  which  had  been  transmitted  to  the  Na- 
tional Council  by  the  American  representatives  were 
not  authorized  by  the  Department  of  State  in  Wash- 
ington. President  Wilson  had  written  a  confidential 
memorandum  for  the  department,  outlining  the  Amer- 
ican attitude  toward  Russia  and,  in  this  document, 
which  has  never  been  published,  the  President  states 
definitely  the  opposition  of  the  United  States  to  mili- 
tary intervention.  Both  Consul-Generals  Poole  and 
Harris,  however,  received  these  instructions  from  Am- 
bassador Francis,  who  sent  them  by  courier  from 
Vologda  to  Moscow  during  the  early  summer  of  1918, 
but  the  United  States  envoy  was  not  authorized  by 
Washington  to  do  this. 

Through  this  diplomatic  confusion  the  Czecho- 
slovaks were  promised  assistance  which  the  United 
States  Government  never  intended  and  was  never 
ready  to  give. 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT  IN  RUSSIA 

THROUGHOUT  the  summer,  from  June  to  September, 
the  armies  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  fought  their  way 
back  and  forth  over  Siberia,  and  by  fall  all  of  the 
local  Soviets  in  Siberia  had  been  overthrown:  the 
Bolshevik  power  had  been  destroyed,  and  from  Samara 
and  Perm  to  Vladivostok  the  ghost  of  Bolshevism 
had  disappeared.  This  the  brave  armies  of  the  Czecho- 
slovaks had  accomplished,  depending  entirely  upon 
their  own  physical  strength  and  upon  the  supplies 
which  they  found  in  Russia  and  which  they  captured 
from  the  Red  army.  There  is  no  territorial  advance 
in  the  annals  of  the  war  as  dramatic  and  rapid  as  was 
that  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  revolutionary  army  in  that 
vast  ex-empire  of  Siberia.  These  50,000  Czecho-Slovak 
soldiers  had  established  an  organization  in  every  im- 
portant city  along  the  great  Trans-Siberian  Railway. 
They  maintained  order;  assumed  direction  of  the 
railroads  without  interfering  with  any  local  govern- 
ment except  those  avowedly  Bolshevists. 

Thus,  at  the  beginning  of  September,  Siberia  was 
free  from  the  Red  rule,  and  we  find  the  people  of  that 
country  getting  together  with  the  object  of  electing 
an  All-Russian  Government.  Various  governments 
had  been  in  process  of  formation  in  the  neighborhood 

137 


138          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

of  Samara  and  the  Ural  Mountains,  Tomsk  and  Vladi- 
vostok, but  these  obviously  did  not  trust  each  other, 
and  the  demand  for  a  central  representative  govern- 
ment was  so  great  that  delegates  from  all  of  the  govern- 
ments in  Siberia,  including  the  Siberian  Government 
itself,  met  in  the  city  of  Ufa  and  elected  an  Ail-Rus- 
sian directorate  with  five  ministers  and  five  assistants. 
The  prime  minister  was  Afkzentieff  and  his  assis- 
tants were  Bolderoff,  Astroff,  Chiakovski,  and  Volo- 
godsky.  The  directorate  took  over  full  power  of  the 
various  governments  and  decided  to  make  Omsk  the 
new  capital  of  Russia  until  they  could  move  to  either 
Moscow  or  Petrograd,  because  the  object  of  the  con- 
ference at  Ufa  was  to  found  a  new  Russian  Govern- 
ment, which,  with  the  support  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks 
and  the  Allies,  might  ultimately  succeed  the  Bolsheviki 
government  which  was  at  that  tune  co-operating  with 
the  German  organization  in  the  East.  The  backbone 
of  this  new  government  was  the  Siberian  Government 
which  had  been  organized  the  latter  part  of  June  and 
which  had  selected  July  4,  the  American  Independence 
Day,  as  the  date  for  their  declaration  of  the  temporary 
independence  of  Siberia.  This  document  is  important 
because  of  its  historical  interest,  because  the  formation 
of  this  All-Russian  Government  was  the  only  one  in 
Russia  since  the  March  1917  revolution,  which  could 
have  been  considered  as  having  a  mandate  direct  from 
the  people.  It  is  also  important  because  it  shows  the 
beginning  of  a  new  government,  the  development  of 
which  was  prevented  entirely  through  the  lack  of  in- 
terest and  support  from  the  Allied  governments.  A 
translation  of  the  declaration  follows: 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      139 

"TRANSLATION  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OP 

THE  TEMPORARY  INDEPENDENCE 

OF  SIBERIA 

"The  Siberian  Provisional  Government,  assuming 
plenary  power  in  the  land  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
Bolshevik  usurpers,  in  line  with  other  important  tasks, 
considers  it  imperative  to  bring  Siberia  out  of  that 
undefined  situation  in  which  it  was  in  consequence 
of  the  dispersal  by  the  Bolsheviks  of  the  Siberian  Pro- 
vincial Duma  and  the  continuation  of  the  Bolshevik 
domination  of  European  Russia. 

"The  Siberian  Provisional  Government  is  clearly 
conscious  that  every  delay  in  deciding  the  question 
of  defining  the  state  nature  of  Siberia  is  very  pernicious 
in  its  consequences  in  connection  with  the  present 
international  situation;  but,  notwithstanding  this,  it 
would  not  take  upon  itself  the  responsibility  of  de- 
fining the  future  fate  of  its  fatherland,  if  it  did  not 
have  in  this  respect  an  authoritative  indication  on  the 
part  of  the  Siberian  Provincial  Duma,  as  expressed 
in  the  latter's  declaration  of  January  27,  1918. 

"Supported  solely  by  this  declaration,  hi  which 
the  Siberian  Provincial  Duma  definitely  shows  itself 
in  favor  of  granting  Siberia  the  full  attributes  of  a 
state,  the  Provincial  Government  now  holds  it  pos- 
sible, in  view  of  the  acuteness  of  the  moment,  to  take 
upon  itself  the  task  of  settling  this  question  without 
waiting  for  a  new  convocation  of  the  Duma. 

"Upon  this  basis,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
attributes  of  the  Russian  state  do  not  exist  as  such, 


140 

a  considerable  portion  of  the  Russian  territory  being 
in  the  actual  possession  of  the  Central  Powers,  and 
another  portion  seized  by  the  Bolshevik  usurpers  of 
the  people's  rule,  the  Siberian  Provisional  Government 
solemnly  declares  to  all  the  world  that  henceforth  it 
alone,  together  with  the  Siberian  Provincial  Duma,  is 
responsible  for  the  destiny  of  Siberia,  and  announces 
full  freedom  of  indepedent  relations  with  foreign  Powers, 
and  also  declares  that  henceforth  no  other  authority 
than  the  Siberian  Provincial  Government  can  act  on 
the  territory  of  Siberia  or  undertake  obligations  in 
the  name  of  same. 

"At  the  same  time  the  Siberian  Provincial  Govern- 
ment considers  it  is  its  sacred  duty  to  state  that  the 
convocation  of  the  All-Siberian  Constituent  Assembly, 
to  which  it  will  hand  over  its  authority  as  is  its  un- 
swerving intention,  and  to  the  earliest  accomplishment 
of  this  will  devote  all  its  strength. 

"Nevertheless,  the  Siberian  Provincial  Govern- 
ment holds  it  absolutely  necessary  to  declare  not  less 
solemnly,  that  it  does  not  consider  Siberia  to  be  for- 
ever torn  from  those  territories  which  as  a  whole  com- 
posed the  state  of  Russia,  and  believes  that  all  efforts 
must  be  directed  to  the  reconstruction  of  Russia  as 
a  state.  The  Provisional  Government  considers  that, 
when  this  high  aim  is  happily  achieved,  the  character 
of  the  future  relations  between  Siberia  and  European 
Russia  will  be  determined  by  the  All-Siberian  and  Ail- 
Russian  Constituent  Assemblies.  Bearing  this  in  mind 
the  Siberian  Provisional  Government  enters  upon  its 
responsible  work  with  the  firm  assurance  that  it  will  be 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      141 

supported  therein  by  all  the  patriotic  and  thinking 
elements  of  the  country. 

The  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers  and 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  VOLOGODSKY; 

Minister  of  Interior,  KROUTOFSKY; 

Minister  of  Justice,  PATOUSHINSKY; 

Minister  of  Finance,  MICHAILOFF; 

Minister  of  Native  Affairs,  SHATILOFF. 

"  July  4,  1918." 

From  the  report  of  an  official  who  was  in  Siberia 
throughout  the  first  and  second  revolutions,  I  obtained 
the  following  account  of  the  events  preceding  my  ar- 
rival in  Omsk: 

"The  Provisional  Duma  at  Tomsk  was  a  body  which 
had  been  selected  by  the  different  political  parties  in 
January,  1918,  and  had  not  been  elected  by  popular 
vote.  It  consisted  of  about  ninety  members,  the  larger 
portion  of  the  extreme  Social  Revolutionary  party. 
This  Duma  had  given  instructions  to  Vologodsky  to 
make  a  government  consisting  of  Social  Revolution- 
ists, but  Vologodsky  had  not  carried  out  instructions 
and  had  formed  a  government  consisting  of  the  various 
political  parties,  which  action  had  met  with  the  ap- 
proval of  all  classes,  but,  of  course,  had  displeased  the 
Duma.  At  a  secret  meeting  of  some  forty  of  the  Duma, 
they  selected  ministers  and  an  organization  for  a  gov- 
ernment of  their  own,  and  awaited  an  opportunity  to 
get  control  of  affairs. 

"This  opportunity  occurred  when  Ivanov-Rinov  and 
Serebrenikov  were  at  the  Ufa  meeting  at  the  be- 
ginning of  September  while  Vologodsky  was  in  Vladi- 


142          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

vostok  conferring  with  the  Allies.  Ministers  Kru- 
tovsky  and  Shatilov,  who  were  at  that  time  hi  Tomsk, 
and  who  were  of  the  Duma  party,  arrived  in  Omsk 
with  the  president  of  the  Duma,  Jakushev,  and  an- 
other member,  Novosilov.  The  latter  was  a  Cossack 
and  had  worked  with  the  Bolsheviks.  A  meeting  was 
called  of  the  ministers,  consisting  of  Michailov  (the 
only  other  minister  in  town),  Krutovsky,  and  Shatilov, 
and  the  latter  two  named  insisted  upon  giving  Novosilov 
a  portfolio.  Michailov  would  not  agree  to  this  and 
left  the  meeting.  Nevertheless,  Krutovsky  and  Shati- 
lov attempted  to  carry  through  their  programme  in 
order  to  secure  the  balance  of  power  in  the  government 
for  the  extreme  Social  Revolutionary  party,  in  which 
event  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  exclude  all  other 
political  parties  from  the  government.  This  plot  was 
discovered  by  the  commander  of  the  city,  Volkov, 
and  without  instructions  from  higher  authorities,  dur- 
ing the  night  of  the  20th-21st  September,  with  armed 
officers  he  arrested  Krutovsky,  Shatilov,  Novosilov, 
and  Jakushev,  who  were  living  at  the  railroad-station 
in  cars.  They  were  taken  to  Volkov's  private  house, 
put  in  separate  rooms,  and  each,  under  penalty  of 
death,  were  given  three  minutes  to  sign  resignation 
papers  which  had  been  prepared  for  them.  Krutov- 
sky, Shatilov,  and  Jakushev  were  released  in  the  morn- 
ing, but  Novosilov  was  retained.  It  was  reported 
that  orders  were  given  to  transfer  him  to  the  prison, 
and  two  Cossack  officers  were  detailed  as  guards.  En 
route,  in  conversation  he  told  the  guards  he  had  worked 
for  the  Bolsheviks,  but  with  the  intention  of  helping 
to  eventually  overthrow  them,  and  that  he  knew  where 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      143 

a  considerable  quantity  of  arms  were  buried  on  the  out- 
skirts of  the  town.  The  officers  agreed  to  let  him  show 
them  the  place,  but  after  he  had  walked  them  around 
for  three  hours  they  came  to  the  conclusion  he  was 
endeavoring  to  escape  and  therefore  shot  him.  The 
testimony  of  a  forester  says  that  two  officers  and  a 
civilian  were  seen  at  the  place  where  the  body  was 
found  in  heated  conversation,  and  that  one  of  the  offi- 
cers stepped  behind  the  civilian  and  fired  one  shot  from 
a  revolver.  The  body  was  then  thrown  into  the  bushes 
and  several  more  shots  fired  in  that  direction.  This 
murder  was  undoubtedly  an  act  of  revenge  on  the 
part  of  Cossacks  upon  one  they  considered  had  tried 
to  betray  the  Cossacks  to  the  Bolsheviks. 

"The  first  information  the  Czechs  received  regard- 
ing these  happenings  was  from  agents  of  the  Territorial 
Duma  and,  being  Social  Revolutionists  themselves, 
they  naturally  sympathized  with  that  party.  In  re- 
porting the  matter  to  Chehabinsk  the  Czechs  had 
evidently  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  Michailov 
had  ordered  the  arrests.  The  Czechs  immediately  re- 
ceived instructions  from  General  Syrovy  to  arrest 
Michailov,  as  any  disturbances  in  the  rear  of  their  army 
could  not  be  tolerated.  Michailov  had  received  warn- 
ing and  could  not  be  found.  However,  Assistant 
Minister  of  Interior  Gratzianov  was  arrested  by  the 
Czechs.  All  classes  were  very  much  upset  and  ener- 
getically protested  against  the  arrest  and  against  the 
interference  of  the  Czechs  in  Russian  internal  affairs. 
The  Cossacks  were  also  angered,  and  the  slightest 
provocation  would  have  started  a  battle  between  them 
and  the  Czechs  in  Omsk.  The  pressure  was  so  great 


144          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

that  the  Czechs  cancelled  their  order  for  the  arrest 
of  Michailov  and  released  Gratzianov. 

"In  the  meantime,  General  Ivanov  hurried  back 
from  Ufa,  and  upon  his  arrival  took  control  of  Omsk, 
and  arrested  Volkov,  and  started  an  investigation  into 
the  whole  affair.  Orders  were  given  for  the  Provincial 
Duma  to  dissolve.  However,  the  relations  between 
the  Siberians  and  Czechs  were  so  strained  that  Ivanov 
was  about  to  resign  when  an  Allied  consul  pointed 
out  the  serious  results  which  would  occur  from  any 
such  action  on  his  part,  and  convinced  him  that  he 
must  use  his  influence  to  smooth  matters  over  while 
the  Allied  representatives  promised  to  mediate  with 
the  Czechs  and  point  out  to  them  the  necessity  of  not 
mixing  into  Russian  internal  politics  and  preventing 
such  incidents  hi  the  future.  The  ceaseless  efforts  of 
the  Allies  were  successful  in  preventing  any  drastic 
actions  and  matters  were  smoothed  over  somewhat, 
but  the  Siberians  did  not  forget  the  incident. 

"Whether  the  Ail-Russian  Directorate  would  make 
Omsk  or  Ekaterinburg  their  headquarters  was  the  next 
worry  of  the  political  parties.  It  was  felt  that  should 
they  decide  on  Ekaterinburg  they  would  be  put  under 
the  influence  of  the  working  class  in  that  territory, 
and  would  not  be  able  to  carry  out  their  intended  pro- 
gramme. However,  the  directorate  decided  on  Omsk 
and  arrived  there  on  September  9.  Negotiations  were 
immediately  started  between  the  directorate  and  the 
Siberian  Government  as  to  the  formation  of  an  All-Rus- 
sian Government  and  the  giving  over  of  power  of  the 
Siberian  Government.  The  Siberian  Government 
was  loath  to  compromise  without  certain  guarantees. 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      145 

"The  wages  of  workmen  had  increased  very  con- 
siderably since  June,  but  their  individual  output  de- 
creased. It  was  therefore  necessary  to  do  something 
to  bring  up  the  standard,  especially  on  the  railway. 
The  Siberian  Government  therefore  passed  a  resolu- 
tion that  workmen  on  the  railway  should  be  paid, 
wherever  practicable  and  possible,  by  piece-work — in 
other  words,  the  workmen  would  have  to  earn  their 
wages.  Trouble  started  on  the  Tomsk  railway  but 
was  quickly  put  down.  On  September  18  a  general 
strike  was  declared  by  railway  workmen  here  in  Omsk. 
The  Czechs,  Cossacks  and  military  organizations  under- 
took to  guard  the  railway  yards  but  not  before  the 
strikers  had  managed  to  damage  twelve  out  of  the 
eighteen  engines  in  the  local  yards.  Several  of  the 
leaders  were  caught  and  immediately  shot.  The  gov- 
ernment and  military  people  issued  strict  orders  and 
took  the  necessary  measures  to  prevent  trouble,  and 
the  workmen  were  forced  to  go  back  to  work.  How- 
ever, with  so  many  locomotives  out  of  service,  train 
traffic  was  seriously  interfered  with. 

"The  railway  strike  seemed  to  have  been  suppressed, 
but  on  the  19th  a  sympathetic  strike  of  all  workmen, 
factory  employees,  teamsters,  barbers,  bakers,  etc., 
was  declared.  The  situation  was  serious  but  the  au- 
thorities took  the  matter  in  hand  and  gave  no  quarter. 
On  Monday,  the  23d  of  September,  most  of  the  work- 
men had  returned  to  their  work.  General  Dietrichs, 
a  Russian  chief  of  staff  of  the  Czechs,  sent  a  telegram 
to  Omsk  in  the  name  of  the  Czech  staff  stating  strikes 
in  their  rear  would  not  be  tolerated  and  '  that  it  was  no 
time  to  enforce  piece-work.'  This  statement,  coming 


146          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

just  at  the  time  the  strike  had  successfully  been  put 
down,  caused  very  hard  feeling  amongst  the  authori- 
ties toward  the  Czechs.  It  gave  the  impression  that 
the  Czechs  were  taking  the  side  of  the  workmen  against 
the  government.  Captain  Kozek,  the  Czech  diplomatic 
representative  in  Omsk,  sent  a  telegram  to  the  Czech 
staff  to  the  effect  that  they  should  not  mix  into  internal 
affairs  and  that  the  matter  had  been  liquidated. 

"The  formation  of  the  All-Russian  Government 
was  meeting  with  considerable  opposition.  It  was 
proposed  to  have  the  directory  composed  of  the  five 
elected  at  Ufa,  and  under  them  would  be  a  working 
cabinet  composed  of  the  various  ministers.  However, 
there  were  several  contestable  points  between  the 
directorate  and  the  Siberian  Government  which  were 
necessary  to  settle  before  the  Siberian  Government 
would  agree  to  give  over  their  power.  About  the  24th 
of  October  an  agreement  was  reached  between  the 
directorate  and  Siberian  Government  on  ten  out  of 
eleven  points  as  follows: 

"1.  Formation  of  an  Ail-Russian  Government  was 
agreed  upon,  therefore  the  Provincial  Government 
(Siberian  Temporary  Government)  no  longer  exists. 

"2.  The  principle  of  Provincial  Governments  was 
agreed  to,  but  districts  would  be  agreed  upon  at  some 
future  date. 

"3.  All-Russian  Government  takes  over  and  uses  the 
organization  of  the  Siberian  Government. 

"4.  Composition  of  the  Working  Cabinet  to  be 
made  by  the  Siberian  and  Directorate,  but  in  the  fu- 
ture ohe  Directorate  would  only  have  the  power  to 
make  appointments  to  vacancies  in  the  Cabinet. 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      147 

"5.  Members  of  the  Cabinet  will  only  be  answerable 
to  the  Directorate. 

"6.  President  of  the  Cabinet  must  be  a  member 
of  the  Directorate. 

"7.  New  laws  regarding  the  election  of  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly  will  be  drawn  up  by  a  special  com- 
mittee, one  of  whom  must  be  the  President  of  the  Pro- 
vincial Duma,  and  the  laws  must  be  ratified  by  the 
Directorate  before  becoming  effective. 

"8.  After  European  Russia  is  freed,  the  various 
Provinces  will  have  the  right  to  have  their  own  local 
governments. 

"9.  Directorate  accept  all  laws  made  by  Provincial 
Governments  to  date,  but  will  look  them  over  and 
make  changes  where  necessary. 

"10.  Army  will  be  All-Russian  and  wear  Russian 
cockade,  but  Provinces  may  wear  their  colors  across 
the  cockade. 

"11.  Directorate  wishes  the  Provincial  Duma  at 
Tomsk  to  assemble,  with  the  understanding  that  it 
will  pass  a  vote  of  confidence  in  the  All-Russian  Gov- 
ernment and  dissolve  immediately,  and  this  to  be  their 
only  reason  for  assembling.  Siberians,  however,  con- 
sider the  Duma  as  dissolved  and  therefore  have  no  right 
to  assemble. 

"This  last  point  was  finally  settled  by  the  Siberians 
giving  in.  However,  in  choosing  candidates  for  the 
Working  Cabinet  very  serious  differences  arose  as  to 
the  Minister  of  Finance.  The  Siberians  insisted  on 
having  Michailov,  while  the  Directorate  refused  his 
nomination.  Both  sides  remained  firm  and  the  Di- 
rectorate gave  the  Siberian  Government  until  a 


148          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

specified  time  to  decide  the  matter  definitely.  The 
Czechs  were  backing  the  Directorate  as  they  also  did 
not  wish  to  have  Michailov  as  Minister  of  Finance. 
The  Directorate  offered  the  post  as  Minister  of  Com- 
merce to  Michailov  but  neither  he  nor  the  Siberian 
Government  agreed  to  this.  The  controversy  became 
so  acute  that  Afkzentieff  and  two  others  of  the  Director- 
ate threatened  to  resign.  In  order  to  avoid  such  a  cat- 
astrophe the  French  Consul,  British  Vice-Consul,  and 
United  States  Vice-Consul  appealed  to  both  sides  to 
compromise.  Upon  these  representations  the  crisis 
was  overcome  without  any  drastic  actions  on  either 
side.  A  final  agreement  was  signed  the  evening  of 
November  1,  and  this  Working  Cabinet  was  named: 

VOLOGODSKI,        Chairman. 

KOLCHAK,  Minister  of  War. 

SHEKIN  "  Foreign  Affairs. 

GATTENBERGER,  Interior. 

MICHAILOV,  "  Finance. 

USTRUGOV,  Communications. 

PETROV,  Agriculture. 

SEREBRENIKOV,  Supplies. 

ORLOV,  Commerce  (temporary). 

ZAPOZHNIKOV,  Education. 

STARENKEVITCH,  Justice. 

KRASNOV,  Control. 

"Considerable  opposition  to  the  All-Russian  Gov- 
ernment, especially  from  the  Monarchist  party,  de- 
veloped. The  peasant  class  as  a  whole  were  indifferent 
and  knew  little  about  political  affairs.  They  could 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      149 

be  swung  by  the  party  offering  the  best  promises  to 
their  personal  welfare,  and  there  was  the  additional 
danger  that  the  church,  which  sympathized  with  the 
extreme  Monarchist  group,  could  swing  the  peasants 
their  way,  for  the  peasants  were  superstitious  and  could 
be  influenced  by  the  church,  as  has  been  the  case  for 
centuries  in  the  past.  The  Monarchist  party  believed 
the  future  of  Russia  lay  with  General  Denekin  and  the 
army  fighting  hi  Southern  Russia.  It  believed  that, 
when  those  forces  and  the  Siberian  forces  joined, 
Denekin  would  become  dictator  or  a  monarchy  would 
be  declared." 

The  All-Russian  Government  struggled  along 
through  the  summer  and  fall.  Envoys  were  sent  to 
the  Allied  countries  in  an  effort  to  obtain  their  sym- 
pathy and  support.  Prince  Lvoff,  who  had  been 
premier  in  the  provisional  government  in  1917,  was 
sent  to  the  United  States  as  a  special  representative 
of  the  All-Russian  Government.  Russians  throughout 
the  Allied  countries  gave  this  government  their  moral 
support.  Alexander  Kerensky,  who  had  been  minis- 
ter of  justice  and  premier  of  the  provisional  govern- 
ment, telegraphed  his  support  to  Omsk,  and  it  looked 
as  if  Siberia  was  to  witness  the  birth  of  a  real  Russian 
representative  democracy.  The  new  government,  how- 
ever, was  confronted  at  home  by  the  following  con- 
ditions: 

1.  While  it  had  the  support  of  the  Czecho-Slovak 
National  Council  and  the  military  backing  of  that 
revolutionary  army,  it  could  not  obtain  the  whole- 
hearted support  of  the  Allied  representatives  in  Si- 
beria, and 


150          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

2.  The  government  had  to  struggle  immediately 
with  the  problem  of  reconstruction  in  the  industry 
and  social  life  of  the  nation. 

Although  the  Allies,  the  French,  British,  and  Amer- 
ican representatives,  had  promised  to  support  the 
Czecho-Slovaks,  several  months  had  passed  before 
troops  were  landed  at  Vladivostok  and  Archangel, 
and  after  they  were  landed,  instead  of  their  co-operat- 
ing with  the  Czecho-Slovak  forces,  they  remained  in 
eastern  Siberia  as  an  army  of  occupation  in  fact,  if 
not  in  principle.  After  the  Czechs  had  been  fighting 
four  months  they  began  to  ask  why  the  Allies  did  not 
hurry  their  armies  across  Siberia,  and  they  began  to 
doubt  whether  they  could  rely  upon  Allied  assistance. 

Meanwhile  the  living  conditions  of  the  people  grew 
worse.  Millions  of  refugees  rushed  to  Siberia  from 
central  Europe  and  from  Asia  and  other  parts  of  the 
world.  Siberia  became  densely  overcrowded,  food 
increased  in  price  as  it  became  more  and  more  im- 
possible for  Siberia  to  feed  the  influx  of  citizens.  The 
factories  had  been  closed  because  of  a  lack  of  raw  ma- 
terials and  capital  to  operate  them.  The  railroads 
were  badly  demoralized.  The  Allies  could  not  agree 
upon  a  method  of  operation  or  control  and  the  new 
government,  with  hundreds  of  questions  of  adminis- 
tration to  decide  every  day,  soon  found  it  could  not 
keep  up  with  the  public  demands.  It  was  faced  by 
a  certain  collapse  unless  the  Allies  assisted  whole- 
heartedly in  the  reorganization  and  reconstruction  of 
Russia.  How  this  was  to  be  accomplished  was  the 
issue  which  again  divided  the  Allies.  England,  France, 
and  Japan  maintained  that  the  only  hope  for  the  re- 


c3 
O 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      151 

organization  of  Russia  lay  in  a  strong  military  organiza- 
tion, and  urged  the  creation  and  development  of  an 
All-Russian  army.  Admiral  Koltshak  had  been  brought 
to  Siberia  by  representatives  of  Great  Britain  because 
of  his  great  ability  as  an  organizer  and  executive,  which 
he  had  displayed  as  commander  of  the  Russian  Black 
Sea  fleet,  and  because  of  his  loyalty  to  the  Allies,  which 
had  been  tested  both  before  and  during  the  revolution. 
Admiral  Koltshak  had  been  made  the  minister  of 
war  of  the  All-Russian  Government,  and  had  begun 
the  reorganization  of  a  Russian  army  with  the  co- 
operation and  assistance  of  General  Knox,  the  British 
commander,  who  had  been  for  seven  years  military 
attach6  of  the  British  embassy  in  Petrograd. 

Representatives  of  the  United  States,  under  instruc- 
tions from  their  government  and  also  because  of  their 
own  ideas,  had  been  contending  that  Russia  could 
never  be  assisted  in  her  reconstruction  period  unless 
the  economic  organization  was  first  given  new  life. 
This  is  where  the  policies  differed.  One  group  of  Allies 
maintained  that  Russia's  hope  lay  in  military,  inter- 
vention. Another  group  of  Powers  insisted  that  eco- 
nomic rehabilitation  should  be  the  beginning,  and  that 
the  question  of  a  large  army  should  be  left  entirely 
to  the  Russian  people  and  the  Russian  Government. 

The  All-Russian  Government  was  in  a  quandary. 
With  the  Allies  apparently  hopelessly  divided  and 
with  conditions  growing  worse  and  the  public  demands 
for  order  and  bread  multiplying  every  hour  there  de- 
veloped a  struggle  among  the  Russians  themselves  as 
to  the  best  means  of  bringing  about  the  rebirth  of 
Russia. 


152          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

In  Omsk  I  met  Afkzentieff,  who  had  been  elected 
the  president  of  the  directorate,  and  who  was  looked 
upon  as  the  dominant  figure  in  the  new  All-Russian 
Government.  During  a  long  interview  he  explained 
these  difficulties  which  confronted  the  directorate  and 
said  that  the  question  would  come  to  a  head  in  a  very 
short  time,  and  that  the  government  in  Omsk  would 
either  become  a  military  dictatorship  to  co-operate  with 
General  Denekin,  who  was  commanding  an  army  of 
Cossacks  in  southern  Russia,  or  the  All-Russian  Gov- 
ernment would  continue  with  the  economic  and  finan- 
cial assistance  of  the  Allies. 

The  fight  between  these  two  factions  was  directly 
accentuated  by  the  Allied  representatives  in  Siberia 
who,  despite  the  instructions  from  then-  governments, 
took  part  in  Russian  internal  affairs.  The  issue  reached 
a  climax  during  a  dinner  given  in  honor  of  the  Allies 
in  Omsk  early  in  November,  1918,  by  the  All-Russian 
Government.  Official  representatives  of  the  United 
States,  France,  and  England  were  present  at  the  dinner. 
After  speeches  by  representatives  of  the  government 
the  band  began  to  play  "God  Save  the  Tzar."  Cap- 
tain Kozek,  who  represented  the  Czech  National 
Council  in  Omsk  and  who  had  attended  the  dinner 
on  behalf  of  this  council,  arose  from  the  dinner  and 
warned  the  chairman  of  the  meeting  that  the  Czechs 
would  withdraw  from  the  hall  if  the  band  played  this 
old  Russian  national  anthem  again.  Similar  warnings 
were  expressed  by  the  other  Allies,  but  within  a  few 
moments  the  band  played  again,  "God  Save  the  Tzar." 
The  Allied  representatives  left  the  hall  in  a  body. 

The  following  morning  the  British  and  American 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      153 

vice-consuls  called  at  the  Foreign  Office,  demanding 
an  explanation.  By  noon  they  had  addressed  an  official 
note  to  the  All-Russian  Government  stating  that  un- 
less the  government  immediately  apologized  for  the 
events  of  the  previous  evening  and  punished  the  Cos- 
sack colonel  who  at  the  point  of  a  revolver  had 
forced  the  band  to  play  the  former  national  hymn, 
the  Allied  representatives  would  inform  their  gov- 
ernments. This  the  All-Russian  directorate  knew 
would  injure  the  chances  of  recognition,  and  the 
members  also  felt,  that  while  they  would  eventually 
have  to  take  drastic  steps  against  the  militarists  in 
Omsk,  they  were  not  prepared  at  the  moment  to  do 
so. 

These  were  critical  days  in  Siberia,  and  decisive  days 
for  Russia,  too.  Before  a  week  had  passed,  the  mili- 
tarists had  succeeded  in  overthrowing  the  Ail-Russian 
Government.  President  Afkzentieff  and  two  other 
members  of  the  directorate  were  arrested,  compelled 
to  sign  statements  of  their  resignations,  which  had 
been  prepared  for  them,  and  ordered  to  leave  the  coun- 
try. Admiral  Koltshak  was  made  the  dictator,  or 
supreme  commander,  of  the  government  of  Omsk,  and 
the  old  directors  were  taken  to  Harbin,  Manchuria, 
under  guard  of  Russian  and  British  soldiers. 

The  constituent  assembly  which  had  been  organized 
in  Ekaterinburg  was  immediately  abolished;  an  attempt 
was  made  to  assassinate  the  chairman  of  the  assembly 
and  some  sixty  members  were  taken  to  Ufa  under  the 
protection  of  the  Czechs. 

These  developments  did  more  than  destroy  the 
great  hopes  of  Russia's  friends.  They  also  brought 


154          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

about  the  disintegration  of  all  of  the  governments  of 
Siberia  and  Russia  outside  of  the  Bolshevist  area. 
They  divided  the  Czech  army  and  Czech  National 
Council.  General  Gaida  supported  Koltshak,  while 
the  National  Council  condemned  the  November  coup 
d'e"tat.  Until  this  time  the  All-Russian  Government 
had  not  only  the  official  support  but  the  co-operation 
of  all  of  the  political  parties  of  Russia  excepting  the 
extreme  left  of  the  Social  Democrats,  which  was  sup- 
porting the  Bolsheviki.  After  the  organization  of 
the  dictatorship  a  new  civil  war  broke  out  in  Siberia. 
General  Semenov,  who  controlled  an  army  of  Cossacks 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Tchita  and  General  Kalmykoff, 
the  ataman  of  the  Usuri  Cossacks,  refused  to  support 
the  new  government.  General  Horvath,  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  Chinese  Eastern  Railway  and  the  chief 
political  factor  in  Manchuria,  and  the  Amur,  withheld 
his  support.  The  Japanese  had  been  openly  hostile 
to  Admiral  Koltshak  who  was  commander  of  Port 
Arthur  at  one  period  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War. 
The  British  were  enthusiastic  in  their  support.  The 
French  representatives  did  not  approve  of  the  turn  of 
events  but  were  ready  to  co-operate  with  any  Russian 
government  which  had  for  its  object  the  beginning  of 
a  new  order  in  Russia.  The  American  representatives 
were  disappointed  but  powerless,  and  looked  upon  the 
change  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  Monarchist  movement 
because  of  the  support  which  the  followers  of  the  Tzar's 
Government  gave  the  new  cabinet  of  Admiral  Koltshak. 
There  were  many  indications  in  Russia  at  the  time 
that  the  Allies  were  on  the  verge  of  recognizing  the 
All-Russian  Government,  but  the  possibility  of  this 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      155 

action  disappeared  when  it  became  known  in  official 
circles  in  Vladivostok  that  the  American  Government 
had  turned  down  the  recommendations  of  its  officials 
that  a  small  force  of  Americans  be  sent  to  the  Ural 
Mountains.  (The  details  are  given  in  Chapter  IX.) 

After  the  birth  of  the  All-Russian  Government  it 
was  not  doomed  to  death,  but  done  to  death  by  the 
failure  of  the  Allies  in  uniting  upon  a  Russian  policy. 
The  history  of  Russia  to-day  might  be  totally  different 
if  this  mistake  had  not  been  made,  because  at  this  tune 
the  strength  of  the  Bolsheviki  government  was  con- 
stantly decreasing,  and  Russians  of  all  political  faiths 
were  looking  forward  to  the  new  government  in  Omsk 
as  being  the  beginning  of  a  Russian  democracy.  But 
immediately  after  the  appointment  of  Admiral  Kolt- 
shak  not  only  the  influence  of  the  Allies  in  Siberia 
and  Russia  decreased,  but  the  sympathy  of  the  Czecho- 
slovaks disappeared,  the  civil  war  recommenced,  and 
the  Bolsheviki  agitators  again  came  from  their  hiding- 
places. 

And  thus  we  find  Bolshevism  appearing  again  upon 
the  scenes  of  Siberia  as  a  direct  result  of  the  chaotic 
conditions.  It  was  another  proof  of  the  contention 
that  Bolshevism  develops  where  governments  fail, 
and  the  reason  the  Bolsheviki  are  considered  the  strong- 
est force  in  Siberia  and  in  Russia,  is  because  all  other 
Russian  governments  have  not  succeeded  and  because 
the  Allies  themselves  have  not  been  able  to  get  to- 
gether upon  a  policy  of  assistance. 

Everything  was  changed,  too,  by  the  armistice. 
The  hope  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  of  the  Allies,  as 
well  as  of  the  Russians,  was  that  with  the  collapse  of 


156          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Germany  would  follow  the  downfall  of  the  Red  army 
reign  in  European  Russia.  But  Bolshevism  was  not 
weakened  by  the  armistice  but  rather  strengthened. 
Before  the  armistice  military  intervention  in  Russia 
might  have  succeeded.  Before  the  armistice  economic 
rehabilitation  could  have  been  successful.  But  after 
the  cessation  of  hostilities  in  Europe  military  inter- 
vention in  Siberia  became  not  only  impracticable  but 
impossible.  For  the  Allied  soldiers  the  war  was  over 
and  they  desired  to  leave.  For  the  Russians,  they 
wished  no  more  fighting  and  desired  only  order  and 
an  opportunity  to  live  and  work.  All  of  the  things 
which  might  have  been  done  before  the  llth  of  No- 
vember in  the  interest  of  Russia  and  on  behalf  of  the 
Russian  people  became  impossible  after  that  date. 

So  the  world  is  to-day  confronted  with  a  new  set 
of  conditions  in  Russia.  The  Bolsheviki  have  gained 
strength,  not  alone  because  of  the  failure  of  those  op- 
posed to  Bolshevism  to  unite,  but  because  authority 
has  also  tempered  the  policies  of  the  Bolshevist  govern- 
ment, and  the  leaders  find  that  they  cannot  be  as  radical 
in  office  as  they  can  on  the  platform.  Between  the 
statement  of  an  ideal  and  its  realization  is  a  gulf  which 
can  only  be  bridged  by  co-operative  effort  of  those 
who  direct  and  those  who  execute.  Thus  far  the  Bol- 
sheviki have  not  been  able  to  succeed  with  their  in- 
dustrial programme  as  Lenin  himself  admits. 

But  Russia  remains  what  it  has  always  been,  a  world 
problem  of  reconstruction,  and  the  solutions  are  the 
same  as  those  to  be  used  the  world  over.  There  is  the 
local  Soviet  of  working  men  and  there  is  the  national 
and  international  organization  of  governments.  The 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      157 

nations  of  the  world  will  either  co-operate  in  an  effort 
to  rebuild  Russia,  not  by  military  means,  but  by  eco- 
nomic assistance,  or  Russia  will  be  left  temporarily  in 
the  hands  of  the  Bolsheviki  and  Russia  will  go  through 
a  long  period  of  regeneration  as  a  sort  of  international 
exile.  And  out  of  this  condition  almost  anything  may 
develop.  Russia  may  be  the  bridge  to  connect  Ger- 
many and  Japan,  for  there  are  military  parties  still 
existing  in  these  two  nations  and  a  military  dictator- 
ship may  follow  the  Bolshevist  dictatorship  in  Rus- 
sia. From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  such  a  strong 
military  government  may  develop  to  threaten  not 
only  a  league  of  nations  or  any  union  of  world  gov- 
ernments, but  also  to  threaten  individual  nations  if 
these  nations  do  not  now  unite  in  an  international 
organization  and  follow  a  definite  plan  of  constructive 
action  in  Russia. 

The  advantages  of  a  world  organization  of  repre- 
sentative governments  are  not  only  the  advantages 
of  an  international  organization  for  the  reconstruction 
of  the  world,  but  also  advantages  of  national  protec- 
tion against  the  formation  of  any  future  union  of 
military  governments.  A  league  of  nations  can  only 
exist  where  its  authority  is  supreme  and  where  its 
support  is  international. 

The  failure  of  the  Allies  hi  Russia  cannot  be  held 
against  the  Allies  as  an  organization  but  only  against 
these  nations  as  individuals,  because  the  Allies  did  not 
work  in  Russia  as  a  unit.  The  collapse  of  Bolshevism 
in  the  summer  of  1918  in  Siberia  was  due  not  alone 
to  the  military  assistance  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks,  but 
to  the  fact  that  a  government  was  organized  which 


158          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

represented  the  different  political  parties  and  had  the 
confidence  of  the  people.  Bolshevism  redeveloped 
when  these  factors  disappeared.  This  is  true  of  Bol- 
shevism everywhere.  The  Bolsheviki  obtained  con- 
trol of  Hungary  because  of  the  failure  of  the  Karolyi 
and  the  Allies.  When  Bolshevism  has  appeared  upon 
the  horizon  of  Germany  it  has  been  always  where  the 
government  or  the  industries  had  failed. 

This  is  where  the  arguments  of  the  Bolsheviki  gained 
ground.  Their  officials  maintain  that  all  of  the  govern- 
ments which  the  world  has  had  during  the  past  five 
or, six  centuries  have  failed  to  develop  with  conditions, 
and  that  Bolshevism  represents  the  new  era.  But 
the  fallacy  of  this  argument  is  that  wherever  Bolshevism 
has  developed  so  far  it  has  only  been  in  countries  where 
there  was  previously  a  strong  autocracy  or  a  military 
government.  Europe  has  never  really  seen  democratic 
or  representative  governments  on  a  great  scale  ex- 
cepting in  England  and  France,  and  the  Bolshevist 
agitation  in  these  countries  is  not  against  the  demo- 
cratic form  of  government  but  against  the  influences 
which  are  back  of  the  present  government.  In  Ger- 
many, Austria-Hungary,  and  Russia,  where  Bolshevism 
has  gained  its  greatest  strength,  there  were  previously 
monarchies  where  there  was  no  representative  gov- 
ernment. 

Those  who  are  working  for  a  league  of  nations  in 
Europe  are  mostly  the  representatives  of  governments 
where  the  people  have  an  opportunity  at  regular  inter- 
vals of  expressing  themselves  by  ballot  upon  govern- 
ment policies.  Then-  object  is  to  apply  this  demo- 
cratic national  principle  to  world  politics,  and  if  they 


THE  BIRTH  OF  A  GOVERNMENT      159 

succeed  we  shall  see  a  union  of  world  governments 
organized  with  public  opinion  as  its  chief  support. 
But  the  contest  between  this  new  force  of  reaction, 
which  is  Bolshevism,  and  of  progress,  represented  by 
a  league  of  nations,  is  only  beginning  and  is  certain 
to  continue  during  the  next  decade. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES  IN  RUSSIA 

INTO  this  whirlpool  of  Russia  the  American  and 
Allied  soldiers  came  in  August  and  September,  1918, 
on  the  dual  and  confused  mission  of  aiding  the  Czecho- 
slovaks and  assisting  the  Russian  people.  The  war 
with  Germany  was  approaching  a  crisis.  The  Bol- 
sheviki  were  declared  to  be  agents  of  the  Central  Em- 
pires, and  the  break  between  the  Red  army  and  the 
Czechs  seemed  to  confirm  this.  There  was  talk  among 
military  men  of  a  new  Eastern  front.  Transportation, 
commerce,  and  industry  had  collapsed.  The  revolution 
had  reached  the  summit  of  destruction.  Chaos  was 
king  and  misery  the  vassal  in  the  new  order  of  life. 

The  Doughboys,  Canadians,  Frenchmen,  Japanese, 
and  Britishers  were  eager  and  excited  over  the  pos- 
sibilities of  fighting  in  Russia  for  a  speedy  termination 
of  the  war.  Russia  was  a  part  of  the  war  theatre.  The 
Bolsheviki  were  considered  enemies.  The  Czechs  and 
Slovaks  had  been  combating  Bolshevism  in  Siberia 
and  Russia  for  four  months  and  were  weary  and  ex- 
hausted. Apparently  the  Allied  governments  were 
united  upon  a  Russia  policy.  Apparently  there  was 
to  be  action  after  more  than  a  year  of  hesitation  and 
indecision.  There  was,  at  least,  hope;  and  Russians 
and  Allies  were  one  in  their  optimistic  forecasts.  But, 
in  less  than  two  months  the  situation  again  was  prac- 

160 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      161 

tically  hopeless.  Troops  which  went  to  fight  remained 
idle.  High  commissioners  and  "experts"  who  were 
sent  to  advise  and  direct  became  entangled  in  the  red 
tape  of  official  instructions  from  Washington,  Paris, 
London,  and  Tokyo.  Instead  of  action  there  was 
delay;  in  place  of  decision  there  was  diplomatic  dis- 
cussion, and  the  American  and  Allied  soldiers  became 
exiles  in  Siberia  and  Murmansk. 

"If  there  ever  was  such  a  thing  as  an  abandoned 
ship  of  state,"  I  wrote  in  The  Independent,  "it  is  Rus- 
sia. While  the  Bolshevist  crew  has  been  attempting 
to  run  the  ship  itself,  thousands  of  friends  of  Russia, 
including  Russians  and  Allies,  have  been  attempting 
to  direct  the  course  of  the  ship  from  the  outside,  by 
giving  constant  advice  and  criticism  in  a  sort  of  cease- 
less wireless  communication.  Experiments  directing 
the  course  of  a  craft  at  sea  from  some  firm  point  on 
land  have  not  been  limited  only  to  ships,  but  have 
been  extended  to  ships  of  state  as  well. 

"For  considerably  over  a  year  attempts  have  been 
made  to  run  Russia  by  wireless  but  Russia  is  still 
on  the  rocks,  and  all  the  efforts  of  the  crew  in  one  di- 
rection, and  the  friends  of  the  ship  and  passengers 
from  another,  have  been  unable  to  rescue  it,  and  it 
seems  high  time  for  those  who  are  really  interested 
hi  salvaging  Russia  to  stop  experimenting  and  to  begin 
considering,  first,  the  facts  regarding  the  present  situa- 
tion, and  second,  practical  means  of  launching  Russia 
again  on  the  sea  of  politics  and  commerce. 

"In  Vladivostok  I  saw  a  number  of  Russian  war- 
ships and  merchantmen  lying  at  anchor  in  the  bay. 
Since  the  counter-revolution  of  the  Bolsheviki  these 


162          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ships  have  belonged  to  the  crews  and  their  families. 
Stokers  and  sailors  alike  have  converted  these  former 
vessels  into  floating  residences,  but  they  never  put  out 
to  sea.  These  ships  rise  and  fall  with  the  tide.  Barna- 
cles cover  the  hulls,  the  gray  coats  of  paint  are  scaling 
off,  and  the  rusting  craft  is  at  the  mercy  of  rigorous 
winters  and  sultry  summers. 

"How  typical  of  Russia  to-day.  That  nation  is 
simply  a  huge  ship  of  state  taken  over  by  the  crew; 
tossing  in  the  sea  of  international  political  and  indus- 
trial turmoil.  All  of  the  old  officers,  all  of  the  former 
leaders,  most  of  the  sane  elements  have  left  the  coun- 
try for  the  safety  of  foreign  shores.  The  friends  of 
Russia  no  longer  go  near  the  ship,  but  stand  on  the 
shore  and  try  to  tell  the  Russian  people  how  it  should 
be  run.  The  crew  has  not  been  successful  either  in 
managing  the  ship  itself,  or  in  steering  it;  and  certainly 
those  who  have  been  experimenting  from  the  outside 
and  attempting  to  run  Russia  by  wireless  have  not 
had  much  success." 

Why?  One  reason  is  that  the  Allies  in  Russia  are 
exiles  exiled  by  the  politics  of  their  own  governments 
and  by  the  Russians,  too. 

To  comprehend  the  causes  which  brought  about 
American  co-operation  in  limited  military  intervention 
in  Russia,  the  chronicler  must  go  back  to  the  events 
of  March,  1918,  when  the  German  armies  broke  through 
the  British  front  in  France  and  swarmed  back  of  the 
line.  On  the  night  of  the  20th  of  March  I  left  Switzer- 
land for  Paris,  arriving  in  the  capital  on  the  morning 
of  the  first  day's  bombardment  by  the  long-range  gun, 
and  remaining  until  the  crisis  of  the  first  great  attack 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      163 

had  been  passed.  It  was  so  obvious  that  the  Allies 
were  worried  over  the  military  situation  that  the  leaders 
were  grasping  for  final  straws  to  avert  a  catastrophe, 
and  suggestions  of  statesmen  and  generals  ranged  from 
a  united  general  staff  under  one  Allied  commander 
to  the  recreation  of  the  Russian  front  and  a  new  Allied 
offensive  in  1919  and  1920.  There  was  serious  talk 
of  five  years  more  of  war !  Criticism  of  all  nations  was 
so  universal,  gossip  so  wide-spread,  that  the  days  of 
March  seemed  to  be  the  forecast  of  another  Waterloo 
with  the  victory  on  the  other  side. 

The  German  high  command,  calculating  upon  an 
easy  victory,  delayed  the  second  blow  long  enough 
for  the  Allies  to  form  a  single  general  staff,  and  for 
the  relaunching  of  a  campaign  to  permit  the  Japanese 
to  invade  Russia  via  Siberia  for  the  purpose  of  attack- 
ing the  Germans  from  the  rear. 

When  the  military  staffs  were  united  under  Marshal 
Foch,  the  diplomatic  centre  of  controversy  shifted  from 
Paris  to  Tokyo  and  Washington,  and,  led  by  France 
and  England,  ceaseless  pressure  was  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  United  States  Government  to  take  part  in 
military  intervention  in  Russia  or  consent  to  a  military 
campaign  by  the  Japanese.  The  obvious  intention 
of  those  who  were  placing  their  plans  before  the  United 
States  was  the  establishment  of  an  Eastern  front,  an 
object  which  the  United  States  General  Staff  did  not 
approve  because  it  was  believed  to  be  impossible  and 
impracticable.  At  this  juncture  in  the  negotiations 
there  developed  again  the  fundamental  difference 
between  the  policies  of  the  Allied  governments  and 
that  of  this  country.  The  United  States  looked  upon 


164          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

the  Russian  problem  as  one  of  reconstruction,  while 
the  European  Powers  and  Japan  were  insistent  in 
considering  it  a  belligerent  question  until  the  war  was 
over  everywhere.  Judging  from  the  attitude  of  Presi- 
dent Wilson  and  the  Department  of  State,  it  is  obvious 
that  there  were  grave  fears  surrounding  the  plan  of 
exclusive  Japanese  intervention  because  of  the  more 
or  less  confirmed  reports  that  the  German  military 
party  and  the  Japanese  military  party  were,  at  least, 
unofficially  and  strictly  confidentially,  in  communica- 
tion with  each  other,  and  there  was  a  danger  of  Russia 
being  made  a  bridge  between  the  militarism  of  Japan 
and  Germany. 

The  first  intimation  I  had  of  any  such  an  arrange- 
ment was  during  December,  1917,  and  January,  1918, 
when  I  was  in  Switzerland  making  a  study  of  internal 
conditions  in  Germany.  At  that  time  I  learned  through 
trustworthy  sources  that  Germany  was  making  every 
effort  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  Japan,  and 
when  I  noticed  in  the  German  press,  early  in  1918,  the 
names  of  the  diplomatic,  consular,  and  military  officials 
Germany  was  sending  to  Russia,  I  observed  that  such 
men  as  Baron  Mumm  von  Schwarzenstein,  former  im- 
perial ambassador  to  Tokyo  and  chief  of  the  Far-East- 
ern propaganda  department  in  the  Berlin  Foreign 
Office,  were  being  sent  to  Russia.  Associated  with 
him  were  Germans  who  had  had  experience  in  Japan 
and  China.  All  of  them  were  what  the  Germans  called 
"experts"  on  the  Far  East,  and  only  one  or  two  had 
ever  been  in  Russia  before.  This  was  the  type  of  men 
Germany  sent  to  revolutionized  Russia. 

The  intention  was  obvious.     Germany,  which  was 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      165 

always  careful  to  select  men  for  foreign  posts  who 
had  had  experience  in  the  country  to  which  they  were 
accredited,  was  not  sending  German  " experts"  on 
Japan  to  Russia  for  Russia  alone.  Later  there  came 
the  famous  Terauchi  interview  in  The  Outlook,  in  which 
the  prime  minister  of  Japan  showed  decided  leanings 
toward  the  Central  Powers.  Still  later  came  the  the 
interview  with  Leon  Trotsky  in  which  he  claimed  that 
he  had  seen  documents  in  Russia  to  show  that  there 
was  a  secret  treaty  between  Japan  and  Germany  re- 
garding Russia,  to  the  effect  that  Germany  was  to  have 
European  Russia  and  Japan  the  trans-Baikal  district 
after  the  war.  In  the  Far  East  one  of  my  colleagues 
had  an  interview  with  the  Japanese  minister  of  for- 
eign affairs  in  which  he  asked  whether  there  was  an 
agreement  between  Japan  and  Germany,  and  the 
minister  replied  that  if  Trotsky  had  made  such  a  state- 
ment the  only  answer  he  (the  minister)  cared  to  make 
was  that  Trotsky  had  given  Germany  part  of  Russia, 
but  had  not  given  Japan  anything ! 

In  both  Japan  and  Siberia  I  made  every  effort  to 
learn  the  basis  for  the  charges  which  were  being  made 
so  freely  against  Japan.  The  most  reliable  informa- 
tion I  received  was  to  the  effect  that  the  German  mili- 
tary party,  during  the  winter  of  1917-1918,  did  make 
proposals  of  separate  peace  to  certain  military  circles 
in  Tokyo,  but  that  when  the  " Peace  party"  and  busi- 
ness interests  learned  of  this  they  quickly  destroyed 
any  possibility  of  either  an  agreement  or  an  exchange 
of  definite  communications. 

I  do  not  doubt  but  that  one  of  the  chief  reasons  the 
United  States  vetoed  the  Allied  proposal  of  an  hide- 


166          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

pendent  Japanese  campaign  in  Russia  was  because 
of  the  possibilities  of  a  Japanese-Russian-German 
Alliance. 

But  the  European  Powers  were  so  insistent  and 
public  opinion  was  so  determined  in  demanding  that 
something  be  done  in  Russia,  that  the  United  States 
finally  agreed  to  the  landing  of  Allied  troops  in  Russia, 
at  Vladivostok  and  Archangel,  although  the  American 
Government  never  changed  its  policy  of  non-inter- 
ference in  Russian  affairs,  and  adhered  to  the  plan  of 
economic  rehabilitation.  Accordingly,  under  the  agree- 
ment between  the  Allies,  a  limited  number  of  troops 
were  landed. 

In  this  way  Allied  intervention  in  Siberia  began 
under  the  direction  of  the  Japanese  General  Kitsuzu 
Otani,  Commander  of  the  Fourth  Army  division  in 
Manchuria  during  the  Russo-Japanese  War,  and  later 
commander  of  the  Garrison  of  Tsing  Tau  after  the 
Japanese  seized  this  German  stronghold  in  China. 

At  this  time  there  were  three  American  officials  in 
Vladivostok  under  strict  orders  from  Washington 
to  execute  the  American  programme  in  the  Allied  plan 
of  limited  co-operative  intervention.  Admiral  Knight, 
commander  of  the  U.  S.  Asiatic  squadron,  had  been 
living  aboard  the  Brooklyn  in  Golden  Horn  Bay 
throughout  the  summer,  reporting  on  conditions  in 
Russia  and  interviewing  all  classes  and  representative 
Russians  who  visited  or  lived  in  this  city.  The  United 
States  Expeditionary  Force  was  commanded  by  Major 
General  William  S.  Graves,  a  former  General  Staff 
officer  in  whom  both  the  President  and  the  War  De- 
partment had  absolute  confidence,  and  upon  whose 


From  a  U.  S.  official  photograph 

Lt.-Col.  O.  P.  Robinson,  Chief  of  Staff,  A.  E.  F. 


From  a  U.  S.  official  photograph 

General  Otani,  Commandor-in-Chief  of  (ho  Allied  Forces 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      167 

judgment  they  could  depend  in  handling  a  delicate 
diplomatic  situation.  General  Graves  had  received 
his  instructions  verbally  from  Secretary  of  War  Baker. 
He  knew  this  government's  Far-Eastern  policy,  and 
he  was  a  general  whose  ability  would  be  an  asset  to 
the  Allied  staff  if  extensive  military  operations  were 
decided  upon  later.  Through  his  chief  of  staff,  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel 0.  P.  Robinson,  the  American  com- 
mander had  a  staff  officer  with  years  of  experience  and 
judgment  in  transporting  and  supplying  troops;  a 
man  whose  ability  as  an  organizer  was  demonstrated 
when,  in  one  week  before  the  Americans  sailed  from 
San  Francisco,  he  purchased  and  placed  on  transports 
sufficient  food,  clothing,  and  supplies  to  last  the  ex- 
peditionary force  more  than  two  months,  an  accom- 
plishment the  significance  of  which  can  be  realized 
when  one  considers  the  importance  of  the  question  of 
tonnage  at  that  state  of  the  war.  Associated  with 
these  two  army  men  were  officers  from  the  Military 
Intelligence  division,  led  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bar- 
rows, who  had  spent  years  in  the  diplomatic  and  army 
service  in  Russia  and  the  Far  East. 

In  Tokyo,  for  more  than  a  year  previous  to  the  land- 
ing of  American  forces,  Ambassador  Roland  S.  Morris 
had  been  making  a  study  of  the  Russian  situation, 
and  during  the  Allied  campaign  for  intervention  dur- 
ing the  summer  of  1918  he  was  the  centre  of  all  nego- 
tiations in  Japan.  Because  of  the  reliability  of  his 
reports  and  the  confidence  which  the  administration 
had  in  his  judgment  he  was  made  in  fact,  although 
not  in  name,  the  United  States  high  commissioner  to 
Siberia,  and  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  hi  Vladivostok 


168          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

to  co-operate  with  Admiral  Knight  and  Major-General 
Graves  our  activities  in  Russia,  with  one  exception, 
which  I  shall  discuss  in  the  chapter  "Decisive  Days 
in  Siberia,"  the  United  States  Government  relied  ex- 
plicitly upon  his  suggestions  and  recommendations. 

Another  American  official  of  importance  was  Briga- 
dier-General John  F.  Stevens  of  the  United  States  Rail- 
way Service  Corps,  who  was  sent  to  Russia  with  a 
staff  of  experienced  railroaders  from  the  Northwestern 
States  under  an  agreement  with  the  Kerensky  govern- 
ment, to  take  over  and  operate  the  Russian  railroads,  es- 
pecially the  Trans-Siberian  line.  Stevens  and  his  chief 
assistant,  Colonel  George  Emerson,  were,  however, 
without  a  railroad  by  the  time  they  landed  in  Vladi- 
vostok, because  the  provisional  government  had  been 
overthrown  in  Petrograd,  and  the  Bolshevist  regime  did 
not  recognize  agreements  made  by  that  government. 

England  and  France,  at  this  time,  were  represented 
by  high  commissioners.  Sir  Charles  Eliot,  who  rep- 
resented Great  Britain,  had  been  in  Russia  some  tune, 
and  was  ably  assisted  by  General  Knox,  former  attache* 
to  the  British  Embassy  in  Petrograd,  and  a  staff  of 
British  officers  who  had  been  attached  to  the  Russian 
army  during  the  war.  Ambassador  Eugene  Regnault, 
the  French  representative,  had  been  for  five  years 
ambassador  of  the  Republic  of  France  to  Japan,  and 
was  to  the  French  Government  what  Ambassador 
Morris  was  to  the  United  States.  Later  the  military 
tasks  of  the  Allied  intervention  programme,  as  far  as 
France  was  concerned,  were  delegated  to  General  Janin, 
who  had  been  sent  from  Paris  in  August  to  succeed 
General  Paris,  of  the  French  staff,  who  was  attached 


From  a  U.  S.  official  photograph 

General  Knox  (seated)  with  his  Chief  of  Staff 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      169 

to  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  as  the  chief  military  ad- 
viser and  foreign  director  of  the  new  army.  Janin 
and  Paris  co-operated  thoroughly  until  the  spring  of 
1919,  when  General  Paris  returned  to  France  to  report 
on  the  situation  in  Siberia  to  the  Peace  Conference. 

Upon  these  men,  all  of  whom,  with  the  exception 
of  the  British  high  commissioner,  I  met  on  numerous 
occasions  in  Russia,  rested  the  responsibility  of  doing 
something  with  the  restricted  Allied  programme.  Upon 
these  officials  the  Allied  governments  depended  for 
their  information  and  recommendations.  These  men 
would  seem  to  be  the  ones  to  bear  the  responsibility 
for  what  the  Allies  did  and  failed  to  accomplish  in 
Siberia,  but  what  actually  happened,  was  what  so  often 
develops  under  similar  circumstances,  the  governments 
listened  and  read  the  reports  but  seldom  approved 
them.  And  the  natural  outcome  was  that  these  men, 
all  reporting  to  their  governments  their  view-points 
and  information,  received  conflicting  instructions  from 
Tokyo,  Washington,  Paris,  and  London,  and  their 
plans  clashed. 

After  the  landing  of  Allied  troops  Vladivostok  be- 
came the  political  centre  of  the  Far  East.  It  was  a 
dual  city.  Diplomatically  Japan  and  the  Allies  met 
for  the  first  time,  attempting  to  solve  by  co-operative 
action  one  Far-Eastern  question.  Militarily  the  Allies 
met  in  Vladivostok  to  help  Russia.  Thus  the  city  be- 
came not  only  the  base  for  Allied  operations  and  pro- 
grammes in  Russia,  but  the  political  centre  in  which 
many  of  the  serious  differences  between  the  policies  of 
the  Allies  in  China  and  the  Amur  were  to  conflict  in 
actual  practice. 


170          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

At  the  beginning  of  Allied  operations  it  was  a  won- 
derful experience  to  witness  the  nucleus  of  a  league  of 
nations  already  at  work  hi  harmony  in  Russia.  It 
made  optimists  of  confirmed  pessimists,  and  of  the  Al- 
lies at  this  tune  it  may  justly  be  said:  "They  came, 
they  saw,  and  they  conquered" — until  they  reached 
the  inevitable  stumbling-block,  the  restrictions  placed 
upon  the  Allied  commanders  and  officials  by  their 
governments,  both  as  regards  military  operations  and 
political  and  economic  policies. 

In  Vladivostok,  early  in  October,  I  had  conversations 
with  numerous  representatives  of  the  Allies,  and  learned 
from  them  that  the  original  plan  of  establishing  a  new 
Eastern  front  had  been  abandoned.  Even  General 
Knox,  who  had  been  one  of  the  original  advocates  of 
such  a  plan,  declared  hi  an  interview  that  the  recon- 
struction of  a  Russian  front  similar  to  the  one  which 
collapsed  with  the  second  revolution  was  an  impossible 
task.  General  Otani  voiced  the  same  opinion,  but 
both  officers  contended  that  the  Allied  task  was  to 
train  and  equip  a  new  Russian  army  to  fight  the  Bol- 
shevists and  thus,  indirectly,  take  part  hi  the  World 
War  against  Germany.  While  the  French,  British, 
and  Japanese  representatives  were  united  upon  this 
plan  the  American  officials  were  united  in  their  belief 
that  the  Russians  were  war-weary,  and  that  a  new 
army  could  not  be  built  in  time  to  make  itself  felt  in 
the  campaign  against  the  Central  Powers. 

Within  a  few  weeks  after  their  landing  the  Allied 
plans  had  so  materially  changed,  and  the  situation  in 
Siberia  had  been  so  altered,  that  the  Allied  govern- 
ments were  faced  by  the  necessity  of  making  new  plans 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      171 

in  Russia.  It  was  at  this  time  that  all  of  the  American 
representatives  united  in  recommending  to  Washington 
that  the  United  States  join  the  Allies  in  sending  a  small 
detachment  of  troops  to  Omsk  for  its  moral  effect  upon 
the  Czecho-Slovaks,  who  were  discouraged  and  who 
had  been  waiting  four  months  for  Allied  assistance, 
and  because  the  strengthening  of  the  All-Russian 
Government  hi  Russia  itself  would  develop  from  such 
action.  (For  the  details  of  this  I  shall  again  refer  the 
reader  to  the  following  chapter:  " Decisive  Days  hi 
Siberia.") 

While  the  American  representatives  had  recom- 
mended to  the  United  States  Government  the  sending 
of  a  small  force  to  the  Ural  Mountains,  then*  previous 
recommendation  that  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  be 
placed  under  the  full  control  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
American  Railroad  Service  Corps  had  been  approved 
and  the  consent  of  nearly  all  of  the  Allies  had  been 
obtained.  England,  France,  and  Italy  had  given  the 
United  States  power  of  attorney  to  reorganize  the 
railroad  and  run  the  trams.  To  those  who  were  watch- 
ing developments  in  Russia  it  was  obvious  that  the 
backbone  of  the  nation  was  the  railroad,  and  that 
unless  it  was  reorganized  there  was  no  opportunity 
either  for  military  intervention  or  economic  rehabilita- 
tion. Everything  depended  upon  the  railroad,  so  when 
England,  France,  Italy,  and  the  United  States  came 
to  an  agreement  the  matter  was  placed  before  the 
Japanese  and  Chinese  Governments  because  one  of 
the  main  lines  of  the  road  crossed  Chinese  territory 
and  another  line,  while  in  Siberia  itself,  was  looked 
upon  by  Japan  as  being  within  her  sphere  of  influence. 


172          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Allied  unity  was  necessary  in  any  case,  and  the  per- 
mission of  China  and  Japan  was  as  essential  to  the  opera- 
tion of  the  railroad  as  the  consent  of  any  other  Power. 
How  difficult  it  is  for  any  group  of  nations  to  act  to- 
gether was  indicated  in  the  diplomatic  discussions 
which  followed  the  American  proposal  that  the  rail- 
road be  operated  by  the  Allies  through  the  American 
commission.  But  Japan  could  not  bring  herself  to 
the  point  of  approving  the  policy  and  made  various 
counter  suggestions  and,  in  the  meantime,  brought 
pressure  to  bear  upon  Peking,  inducing  the  Chinese 
Government  to  withhold  its  consent.  The  long  argu- 
ment which  followed  these  developments  is  discussed  in 
another  chapter  on  the  Japanese  activities  in  Siberia. 
The  incident  is  mentioned  here  only  because  of  its 
effect  upon  the  American  plans  and  policies  and  upon 
the  attitude  of  the  American  engineers.  These  men 
had  left  important  positions  in  the  United  States. 
All  were  practical  railroad  workers  from  general  mana- 
gers to  engineers  and  section  hands.  They  knew  every 
angle  of  the  railroad  business.  They  had  learned  it 
by  experience  in  the  northwest,  and  they  had  joined 
the  American  Railway  Service  Corps  at  the  sacrifice 
of  permanent,  responsible  positions  in  the  United  States 
and  good  incomes,  with  the  idea  of  helping  their  coun- 
try during  the  war.  When  they  reached  Siberia  they 
found  they  were  handicapped  every  place.  The  rail- 
roads were  not  turned  over  to  them  to  be  operated. 
They  were  given  no  authority.  Their  recommenda- 
tions were  unheeded.  The  only  thing  they  were  per- 
mitted to  do  was  to  ride  the  trains  or  sit  in  the  telegraph 
or  train  despatchers'  offices  at  the  various  depots.  They 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      173 

were  active  men  on  a  lazy  job.  They  saw  the  intrigue 
and  opposition  of  the  Japanese  everywhere,  but  they 
lived  in  the  hope  that  ultimately  they  might  be  given 
permission  to  take  over  the  job  which  had  been 
promised  them. 

These  engineers  I  met  in  Siberia  and  Manchuria. 
They  rode  some  of  the  trains  that  I  travelled  on.  I 
rode  with  Stevens  and  Emerson  on  one  of  their  trips 
from  Harbin  to  Vladivostok.  I  heard  their  comments 
upon  the  operation  of  the  railroad  and  understood 
their  feelings  of  distress  because  the  railroad,  which 
was  like  a  toy  to  them  because  it  was  so  easily  mas- 
tered, was  going  to  pieces  under  their  very  eyes  and 
they  were  powerless.  Instead  of  a  hundred  trains 
going  in  and  out  of  Vladivostok  every  day  the  number 
had  dwindled  to  six  or  eight.  Instead  of  regular  fast 
passenger  service  across  Siberia  hi  five  days  there  was 
now  only  an  intermittent  service  in  nineteen  and 
twenty-one  days.  Instead  of  sleeping-cars  and  com- 
fortable coaches  there  were  now  dilapidated  box-cars 
and  filthy  old  passenger-wagons  to  accommodate  the 
public. 

In  the  factories  of  Vladivostok  and  Harbin,  where 
the  American-made  locomotives  were  assembled  and 
the  freight-cars  built  upon  the  trucks  shipped  from 
the  United  States,  the  capacity  had  dropped  from 
thirty  locomotives  a  month  to  three  and  from  over  a 
hundred  freight-cars  to  less  than  twenty,  depending 
upon  the  feeling  of  the  Russian  workmen  as  to  the 
number  of  hours  a  week  they  should  work. 

The  railroad  was  disintegrating  because  no  one  had 
the  authority  to  do  any  repair  work,  and  everything 


174          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

depended  upon  the  attitude  of  the  Japanese.  Almost 
every  one  realized  after  the  fatal  days  of  October  that 
nothing  would  be  done  in  either  Russia  or  Siberia  with- 
out the  railroad,  but  while  this  question  was  being 
discussed  and  considered  by  the  Foreign  Office  and 
business  interests  of  Japan  there  were  other  grave 
problems  confronting  the  Americans. 

As  soon  as  the  armistice  was  signed  the  troops  be- 
came restive  and  wanted  to  go  home.  The  morale 
had  been  weakened,  not  by  lack  of  action,  because 
the  men  were  constantly  drilled  and  disciplined,  but 
because  of  the  lack  of  a  definite  policy  which  made 
not  only  Americans  but  all  Allies  in  Siberia  feel  that 
they  were  there  on  a  futile  mission;  that  they  were 
wasting  their  own  time  and  that  of  Russia  as  well. 
Ambassador  Morris,  General  Graves,  and  Admiral 
Knight  had  accepted  the  final  decision  of  the  Presi- 
dent with  good  grace  and  had  notified  both  the  Allies 
and  the  Czecho-Slovaks  that  the  United  States  under 
no  circumstances  could  be  expected  to  take  part  hi 
any  military  activities  in  Siberia.  Aid  was  promised 
the  Czecho-Slovaks  through  the  Red  Cross  and  the 
Y.  M.  C.  A.,  and  the  Russians  were  informed  that  the 
War  Trade  Bureau  would  be  hi  a  position  to  license 
imports  and  exports,  and  that  special  ships  had  been 
set  aside  by  the  United  States  Shipping  Board  for  the 
explicit  purpose  of  bringing  supplies  to  Siberia  and 
taking  raw  products  from  Russia  to  the  United  States. 
This  information  came  as  such  a  surprise  to  the  Czecho- 
slovaks that  when  they  were  informed  in  Vladivostok 
by  Colonel  O.  P.  Robinson  that  the  United  States 
would  not  send  an  army  to  the  Ural  Mountains  and 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      175 

by  Major  Slaughter  in  Ekaterinburg,  they  were  afraid 
of  the  moral  effect  upon  their  own  army  and  withheld 
the  information.  The  result  was  that  when  I  reached 
the  interior  of  Russia  I  found  every  one  expecting 
American  troops  to  come  and  no  one  telling  either  the 
public  or  the  Czechs  the  truth  as  to  America's  atti- 
tude. 

Then  came  the  armistice  and  the  whole  situation 
changed  in  Russia.  It  was  so  clear  to  every  one  in 
Siberia  that  the  Allied  governments  were  making  such 
great  mistakes  in  handling  the  Russian  problem  that 
nothing  constructive  could  be  expected,  and  the  whole 
attention  of  Allies  and  Russians  was  centred  upon  the 
Peace  Conference  at  Paris.  In  the  meantime  affairs 
developed  from  bad  to  worse.  The  Bolshevist  govern- 
ment gained  strength  in  European  Russia  by  modify- 
ing its  policies  and  the  Bolshevist  agitation  in  Siberia 
increased  as  the  funds  for  propaganda  were  advanced. 

The  English  and  French  representatives,  however, 
had  not  given  up  their  hope  of  a  strong  Russian  army. 
France  had  sent  General  Janin  with  a  staff  of  officers 
from  Paris  to  Siberia  to  organize  a  Russian  army.  His 
instructions  from  his  government  were  the  same  as 
the  instructions  given  to  General  Knox  by  England. 
Apparently  England  and  France  had  sent  representa- 
tives to  Russia  to  do  the  same  thing  without  either 
government  consulting  the  other.  General  Knox  had 
been  at  work  in  Siberia  for  several  months.  He  had 
established  officers  training-camps  and  had  succeeded 
in  getting  the  support  of  the  Omsk  government  for 
his  plan  of  mobilizing  a  Russian  army.  As  General 
Janin  arrived  it  was  obvious  that  there  might  be  two 


176          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

generals  working  in  different  ways  for  the  same  thing, 
which  would  eventually  lead  to  a  conflict  unless  there 
was  some  understanding  between  the  two  military  men. 
In  December  they  met  in  Vladivostok  for  a  confer- 
ence and  divided  Siberia,  as  far  as  their  work  was 
concerned,  into  two  spheres,  one  from  Vladivostok  to 
Lake  Baikal  and  the  other  one  from  the  lake  to  the 
Ural  Mountains.  By  agreement  between  the  two 
officers  General  Knox  was  to  have  command  of  the 
Russian  army  in  eastern  Siberia  while  General  Janin 
was  to  be  the  commander  in  western  Siberia.  This 
step  by  the  two  Allied  generals  was  taken  without 
consultation  with  representatives  of  the  other  Allied 
armies,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  Japanese, 
and  the  others  were  apprised  of  this  move  only  after 
it  had  become  an  accomplished  fact,  and,  after  the 
"treaty"  had  been  signed  by  the  two  generals.  By 
this  time  there  was  not -the  slightest  evidence  or  in- 
dication of  Allied  unity  hi  Siberia.  The  only  nations 
to  live  up  to  the  terms  of  the  original  agreement  were 
the  United  States,  Italy,  and  China.  England,  France, 
and  Japan  had  long  since  adopted  their  own  policies 
in  Siberia,  and  Russia  continued  to  crumble. 

It  is  not  my  object  to  fix  the  blame  for  any  of  the 
steps  which  were  taken,  but  only  to  point  to  the  facts 
and  the  consequences.  There  were  capable  officials 
of  the  Allies  in  Siberia  who  might  have  been  in  a  posi- 
tion to  help  Russia  get  together  if  their  own  govern- 
ments had  supported  them,  and  if  they  had  not  been 
handicapped  by  the  individual  activities  of  the  mili- 
tary officials.  I  doubt  whether  the  Allies  or  the  League 
of  Nations  will  ever  select  more  capable  men  to  study 


AMERICAN  AND  ALLIED  EXILES      177 

an  international  problem  and  to  carry  out  instruc- 
tions of  organized  governments  than  the  men  like  the 
following,  who  were  sent  to  Siberia :  Ambassador  Morris, 
General  Graves,  Colonel  Robinson,  Ambassador  Eu- 
gene Regnault,  Sir  Charles  Eliot,  John  F.  Stevens, 
Vice-Consul  Palmer,  and  Mr.  Matsudaira,  chief  of  the 
political  division  of  the  Japanese  General  Staff,  and  a 
representative  of  the  Japanese  Foreign  Office  in  Vladi- 
vostok. But  the  colossal  task  which  faced  these  men 
was  made  impossible  of  execution  because  of  the  lack 
of  the  very  thing  which  will  make  a  league  of  nations 
successful,  namely,  unity  of  purpose  and  of  action. 
The  Allies  failed  in  Siberia  because  they  were  not  united. 
They  were  not  even  agreed  upon  fundamental  prin- 
ciples. Men  who  represented  the  Powers  hi  this  coun- 
try needed  authority  to  accomplish  anything,  and 
this  was  withheld. 

That  the  Allies  will  eventually  be  compelled  to  with- 
draw then-  armies  from  Siberia  and  Russia  as  belligerent 
forces  is  the  only  outcome  of  a  situation  created  by 
limitless  mistakes.  It  may  be  necessary  for  them  to 
make  an  agreement  with  the  Bolsheviki,  or  any  other 
de  facto  goverment  of  Russia,  in  order  to  begin  the 
actual  work  of  reconstruction.  They  may  send  food 
in  the  beginning  and  end  by  recognizing  a  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment in  Russia,  but  neither  the  Allies  nrr  a  League 
of  Nations  will  remain  or  endure  if  th<y  recognize 
the  principles  of  Bolshevism.  But  they  are  faced  by 
this  predicament  because  of  past  indecision.  This  is 
the  reason  the  goblins  of  Bolshevism  hovered  over 
the  Paris  conference  and  the  statesmen  warned  the 
world  that  "the  Bolsheviki  will  get  you  if  you  don't 


178          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

watch  out."  Bolshevism  is  a  world  force  which  has 
grown  in  Russia  under  the  very  eyes  of  the  Allies  and 
former  Central  Powers. 

Departing  from  Vladivostok  for  Harbin  my  last  view 
of  the  foreigners  hi  the  city  was  of  the  Allied  sentries 
at  the  railroad-station.  Three  of  them,  one  Czech, 
one  American,  and  one  Japanese,  were  standing  in  the 
entrance  to  the  depot,  bored,  idle,  and  silent.  Sym- 
bolical of  the  Allies  they  were  helpless  spectators  of 
the  tragedy  of  Russia;  military  exiles  in  Siberia. 


CHAPTER  IX 
DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA 

THE  days  of  October,  1918,  were  critical  days  for 
Siberia  and  decisive  days  for  Russia.  The  Allies  had 
landed  small  forces  at  Vladivostok  in  August,  but 
after  two  months  practically  nothing  had  been  done 
either  for  or  against  Russia.  The  demands  for  more 
extensive  military  operations,  which  in  its  final  analysis 
meant  action,  reached  a  climax  during  the  first  days 
of  the  tenth  month. 

That  the  United  States  had  not  been  at  war  with 
the  Bolsheviki  was  obvious;  that  the  Allies  were  not 
planning  to  attack  the  Red  army  along  the  Ural  Moun- 
tain "front"  was  equally  evident.  The  opaqueness 
of  the  Allied  policy  was  causing  so  much  criticism  that 
the  American  leaders  hi  Siberia  held  a  conference  and 
made  recommendations  to  Washington,  which,  when 
acted  upon,  had  the  effect  of  changing  the  whole  course 
of  Russian  events. 

The  story  of  the  Americans  in  Siberia  is  the  narra- 
tive of  one  contest  after  another,  one  conflict  of  opinion 
upon  another,  and  differences  in  the  attitude  of  our 
own  officials  and  the  Allied  governments.  Instead 
of  landing  a  belligerent  force  in  Siberia,  with  definite 
objects  and  clear  instructions  to  cover  a  longer  period 
of  time  than  the  first  days  or  weeks  after  lading;  in- 
stead of  giving  the  army  and  officials  something  to  do, 
the  Americans  who  landed  there  became,  after  a  very 

179 


180          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

short  period,  our  first  political  exiles.  That  all  of  these 
Americans  should  wish  to  leave;  that  the  Russians 
should  be  anxious  to  have  them  go,  are  the  two  only 
outcomes  of  the  developments  in  Siberia.  Not  only 
the  men  but  the  officers  wished  to  leave.  Why  ?  That 
is  the  story  of  the  decisive  days  in  Siberia. 

Shortly  after  the  first  American  troops  were  landed 
in  Siberia  I  arrived  in  Vladivostok  as  a  correspondent 
with  the  Allied  armies.  As  the  ship  pulled  into  the 
harbor,  I  saw  on  the  shore  American  sentries  guard- 
ing warehouses  and  war  materials  scattered  along  the 
banks  of  the  bay.  Five  thousand  miles  away  from 
the  Pacific  coast,  these  men  were  hi  Russia,  so  they 
thought,  to  fight  the  Bolsheviki,  but  instead  they  found 
themselves  there  as  spectators.  Not  far  from  where 
the  Japanese  passengers-ship  docked  were  the  war-ships 
of  the  Allied  nations^  swimming  at  anchor.  In  the 
middle  of  the  bay  was  a  Japanese  war-ship.  Closer 
to  the  shore  was  the  U.  S.  S.  Brooklyn,  with  Admiral 
Knight  aboard,  the  British  Cruiser,  H.  M.  S.  Sussex, 
a  French  cruiser,  and  a  Chinese  gunboat. 

Vladivostok,  being  situated  on  the  hills,  appeared 
to  be  a  great  amphitheatre  as  one  entered  the  harbor. 
From  the  tops  of  the  tallest  buildings  could  be  seen 
the  flags  of  the  Allies.  Along  the  docks  were  Chinese 
"coolies,"  a  few  Russian  merchants,  some  of  whom 
spoke  German,  a  few  American  and  French  marines, 
and  a  half-dozen  or  so  of  lazy  Russian  workmen. 

I  sauntered  up  the  hill  to  one  of  the  tallest  buildings 
in  the  city  from  which  the  American  flag  was  flying 
and  in  front  of  which  stood  a  Yankee  sentry.  This 
was  the  headquarters  of  Major-General  William  S. 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          181 

Graves,  Commander  of  the  A.  E.  F.  in  Siberia.  Four 
miles  up  Golden  Horn  Bay  in  huge  frame  storehouses, 
built  by  the  Czar's  officials,  were  housed  the  American 
troops.  This  was  the  base  and  the  whole  works  of 
the  American  army  in  Siberia.  German  prisoners 
were  busy  along  the  dock  stacking  hay  which  had  been 
unloaded  from  the  United  States  Transport  Dixie. 
Along  the  temporary  tracks  which  the  engineers  had 
built  ran  small  locomotives  our  army  had  found  idle 
and  out  of  repair  in  the  yards  of  the  city. 

Svetlanskaya  is  the  name  of  the  main  street  of  this 
city  which  was  once  "The  Czar  of  the  East."  Not 
only  the  business  but  the  military  and  political  affairs 
of  Vladivostok  and  of  Siberia  were  centred  here.  Mo- 
toring into  the  city  from  the  American  Base  I  passed 
the  barracks  where  600  Chinese  soldiers  were  en- 
camped; farther  on  were  Japanese  barracks,  an  Amer- 
ican Red  Cross  hospital,  barracks  which  the  United 
States  Railroad  Service  Corps  had  taken  over,  and  a 
large,  white  cement  apartment-house,  on  the  first  floor 
of  which  the  American  Red  Cross  had  its  head- 
quarters. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  street  stood  the  five-story 
red-brick  building  which  was  used  as  the  French  head- 
quarters and  from  the  top  of  which  could  be  seen  French 
marines,  wigwagging  their  signals  to  another  station 
across  the  bay.  Not  far  from  the  French  headquarters, 
and  practically  across  the  street  from  the  Vladivostok 
offices  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  army,  was  the  headquarters 
of  the  Japanese  army,  a  two-story  stone  structure 
which  had  been  a  German  department  store.  Near 
the  railway  depot  was  the  British  headquarters  and 


182          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

the  offices  of  the  Siberian  Government.  The  Allied 
consulates  were  scattered  about  the  city,  as  their  in- 
terests were  scattered.  There  were  Japanese,  Amer- 
icans, Chinese,  and  Russian  shops.  Two  German 
department  stores  were  still  in  operation.  British 
interests  had  opened  a  branch  bank  and  everywhere 
the  money  lenders  and  money  changers  were  to  be 
seen,  because,  with  the  arrival  of  the  Allied  forces, 
Vladivostok  became  a  sort  of  money  stock  exchange 
where  there  was  continuous  speculation  in  roubles, 
dollars,  and  pounds. 

When  the  Americans  arrived  there  was  what  was 
called  a  Bolshevist  nest  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kha- 
barovsk and  Blagovestchensk,  and,  under  the  command 
of  General  Oii,  Japanese,  American,  French,  and  Brit- 
ish Forces  were  sent  down  the  Usuri  and  Amur  River 
valleys.  Khabarovsk  had  been  a  prison-camp  for 
German  and  Austrian  prisoners.  Before  the  war  it 
was  the  headquarters  for  the  Third  Siberian  Army 
Corps,  and  after  the  European  War  broke  out  some  of 
these  barracks  were  fenced  off  by  fourteen-feet  barbed- 
wire  fences.  Into  these  stockades  went  the  prisoners 
of  war,  whose  suffering  can  only  be  compared  to  that 
of  the  Russians  under  the  most  unfavorable  condi- 
tions in  Germany.  After  the  revolution  the  barbed 
wires  were  cut  (the  ends  dangle  in  curious  fashion  in 
the  air  to-day),  and  from  the  camp  fled  several  thou- 
sand former  soldiers  of  the  Central  Empire.  Under 
orders  from  Berlin  and  Vienna  these  men  joined  the 
forces  of  the  Bolshevist  army  operating  in  the  Amur, 
and  they  put  up  a  strong  fight  against  the  combined 
forces  of  the  Allies  marching  from  Vladivostok. 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          183 

Some  days  after  the  first  and  only  engagements 
between  the  Americans  and  the  armed  forces  of  the 
Red  Guard,  I  journeyed  800  versts  with  General 
Graves  and  his  staff. 

These  were  the  early  days  of  October  and  Siberia, 
famed  for  its  cold,  was  wanner  than  San  Francisco 
a  month  before,  when  I  sailed  for  the  Far  East,  although 
not  as  comfortable  as  it  is  during  the  summer  months — 
that  period  of  the  year  which  had  made  Vladivostok 
a  favorite  summer  resort  in  the  Far  East. 

After  I  had  been  in  the  city  a  few  days  I  was  invited 
by  General  Graves  to  accompany  him  on  his  first  jour- 
ney into  Siberia.  Upon  the  appointed  day  I  drove  to 
the  railroad-station,  walked  out  through  the  yard  look- 
ing for  the  general's  train.  There  were  scores  of  other 
cars  and  special  trains  standing  along  the  siding,  but 
no  one  could  tell  me  where  the  train  was  which  had 
been  selected  to  take  the  American  commander.  After 
searching  around  the  yard  for  some  time  I  encountered 
Major  Eichelberger,  the  assistant  chief  of  staff,  accom- 
panied by  several  staff  officers,  inquiring  for  the  same 
train  that  I  was. 

Searching  for  trams  is  one  of  the  chief  pastimes  of 
any  one  who  stays  in  Siberia  and  travels;  so  I  learned 
by  experience.  It  is  not  an  unusual  thing  to  lose  your 
home  on  wheels,  and  later,  on  another  occasion,  I  spent 
every  hour  and  every  moment  from  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning  until  ten  at  night  searching  for  the  car  which 
I  had  left  standing  at  a  certain  spot  in  one  of  the  rail- 
road yards. 

The  night  before  General  Graves  was  to  depart, 
Major  Eichelberger  had,  after  two  days'  work,  sue- 


184          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ceeded  in  obtaining  one  sleeping-car  and  one  dining- 
car,  which  he  had  had  connected  up  and  cleaned  in 
preparation  for  the  journey.  But  when  he  arrived 
in  the  yard  the  following  morning  the  cars  had  dis- 
appeared, despite  the  orders  which  the  Inter-Allied 
Railroad  Commission  had  given,  designating  these 
two  cars  to  General  Graves  for  his  inspection  trip.  It 
was  a  long  hot  journey  up  and  down  the  track  be- 
tween the  rows  of  cars,  through  the  yard,  before  they 
were  found.  In  the  meanwhile  a  Chinese  "coolie" 
who  was  lugging  my  sleeping-sacks  and  suitcase  stum- 
bled along  over  ties  and  tracks  in  a  frantic  effort  to 
keep  up. 

After  the  major  succeeded  in  corralling  a  switch  en- 
gine the  two  cars,  when  located,  were  hitched  together 
again  and  American  sentries  were  placed  at  the  doors 
with  fixed  bayonets  and  strict  orders  not  to  permit 
any  one  to  enter  or  move  the  car  without  written  in- 
structions from  American  headquarters.  The  cooks 
from  headquarters  came  to  the  train  with  their  pro- 
visions for  the  week's  journey,  and,  many  hours  after 
the  schedule  time  of  departure,  the  special  was  pulled 
up  to  the  depot,  two  large  American  flags  were  nailed 
on  the  sides  of  the  diners,  a  big  American  locomotive 
was  brought  over  from  the  roundhouse,  and  General 
Graves  and  his  staff  stepped  aboard. 

Not  all  of  the  American  troops  were  in  Vladivostok 
at  this  tune.  About  3,000  of  them  were  stationed  at 
Kharborsk  and  in  the  towns  along  the  Amur  railroad, 
but  outside  of  this  section  there  were  no  American 
army  units  in  any  other  part  of  Siberia,  although  the 
zone  of  activity  as  defined  in  the  agreement  between 


185 

the  United  States  and  the  Allied  governments  ex- 
tended from  the  Pacific  to  Lake  Baikal.  Altogether, 
there  were  only  a  few  more  than  7,000  Americans  in 
Siberia,  about  half  this  number  being  in  Vladivostok 
and  the  other  half  in  small  units  along  the  Amur  line. 
Journeying  with  General  Graves,  I  had  an  opportunity 
of  not  only  following  him  everywhere  on  his  inspection 
trip,  but  I  was  permitted  to  see  the  side-lights  of  the 
expedition,  which  brought  out  the  objects  and  the 
policies  of  the  United  States  clearer  than  they  could 
have  been  in  any  other  way.  Every  tune  the  train 
passed  a  group  of  Americans  the  general  would  stop 
to  speak  with  them.  I  recall  my  first  introduction  to 
these  meetings  in  a  little  town  where  forty-two  sol- 
diers were  stationed.  The  men  were  living  in  box- 
cars along  a  siding.  They  were  commanded  by  a  young 
lieutenant.  The  men  were  all  regulars,  while  the  officers 
had  been  schooled  in  one  of  the  war  training-camps, 
and  had  taken  a  sort  of  post-graduate  course  on  the 
transport  coming  over.  The  general  answered  his 
salute,  and  said: 

"Good  morning.  I  have  come  to  inspect  your 
quarters." 

(In  the  dialogues  which  follow  I  have  reported  the 
conversations  as  recorded  in  my  note-book,  kept  dur- 
ing the  journey.  I  believe  them  to  be  accurate,  but 
I  could  not  have  their  inclusion  in  this  book  verified 
by  General  Graves  because,  at  this  writing,  he  is  still 
in  Siberia.)  The  lieutenant  saluted,  turned  and  led 
the  way  to  the  cars.  The  general  climbed  into  each 
car,  inspected  the  beds,  the  floors,  and  the  provisions, 
the  stoves,  and  the  men,  pointed  out  his  criticisms  or 


186          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

comments  to  the  young  officer,  and  asked  him  whether 
there  was  anything  he  wanted. 

This  was  the  general's  method  of  inspection.  He 
saw  every  American  who  was  along  the  railroad  or 
in  any  of  the  towns  off  of  the  railroad.  He  talked  to 
the  men  and  to  the  officers.  He  inspected  their  quar- 
ters, their  food-supplies,  and  asked  them  what  they 
were  doing.  The  invariable  reply  to  these  questions 
was  that  they  were  doing  nothing  but  guarding  rail- 
road-stations or  bridges,  and  that  they  wanted  shot- 
guns and  extra  ammunition  so  they  could  hunt  bear, 
ducks,  and  pheasants,  which  were  abundant  in  the 
neighborhood.  But  the  general  was  interested  in  more 
than  the  mere  details  of  their  rather  routine  day.  Fre- 
quently he  would  approach  an  officer  or  a  "non-com" 
and  ask  the  blunt  question: 

"What  are  you  here  for?" 

That  question  was  frequently  answered  by  a  salute 
and  a  statement: 

"I  am  here  to  fight  the  Bolsheviki." 

"Are  those  your  orders?"  the  general  would  ask. 

"Yes,  sir." 

"Where  did  you  get  those  orders?" 

At  this  point  hi  the  quiz  the  men  were  usually  in 
such  an  uncomfortable  position  they  were  prepared 
to  make  a  quick  retreat,  both  by  statement  and  body. 
But  the  general's  questions  came  like  bullets  from  a 
machine-gun,  although  at  heart  he  was  very  human 
and  not  stern  beyond  the  point  of  being  firm  and  ex- 
acting. 

"Who  are  the  Bolsheviki?"  the  general  would  ask. 

It  was  seldom  that  any  man  or  officer  gave  the  same 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          187 

reply.  One  lieutenant,  looking  the  general  square 
in  the  face,  remarked  boldly  and  confidently: 

"The  Bolsheviki  are  the  men  who  are  trying  to  de- 
stroy Russia  by  killing  off  the  good  people  and  burn- 
ing the  property." 

"Have  you  seen  any  Bolsheviki  around  here?"  the 
general  asked. 

"Yes,  sir." 

"Well,  what  do  you  do  with  them?" 

"We  arrest  them,  sir." 

"Have  you  any  in  jail  now?"  the  general  asked. 

There  was  in  one  town  a  Russian  in  the  army  prison, 
and  I  walked  with  the  general  to  see  my  first  Bolshevik. 
As  we  walked  over  to  the  basement  of  the  building, 
which  was  being  used  as  a  guard-house  and  prison, 
I  thought  of  some  of  the  questions  the  general  had 
asked  another  officer  when  he  asked  him  to  describe 
the  Bolshevik. 

"Does  he  have  a  long  black  beard,  long  hair,  dark 
eyes,  torn  clothing,  and  big  hands?" 

The  customary  answer  was  in  the  affirmative,  so, 
as  I  entered  the  prison,  following  the  staff  of  the  gen- 
eral, I  found  two  American  soldiers  standing  in  front 
of  a  heavy  wooden  door;  about  four  feet  from  the  floor 
was  a  hole,  about  six  inches  square,  through  which 
one  could  see  into  the  cell. 

All  of  us  took  a  good  look  at  the  prisoner.  He  was 
nothing  more  than  a  replica  of  the  type  of  Russian 
peasant  which  one  sees  by  the  hundred  thousand  in 
all  parts  of  Siberia.  He  was  seated  on  a  bench  against 
the  wall  and  looked  resignedly  at  the  faces  which  peered 
at  him  through  the  opening. 


188          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

After  we  had  all  seen  our  first  Bolshevik,  and  saw 
no  difference  between  him  and  thousands  of  Russians 
we  had  already  seen  in  Vladivostok  and  along  the 
railroad  line,  we  stood  in  a  circle  while  the  general  be- 
gan to  requestion  the  young  American  officer. 

"What  did  that  man  do?"  General  Graves  asked. 

"Why,  nothing,  sir,"  the  officer  said  hesitatingly. 

"Why  do  you  have  him  under  arrest  then?" 

"Why,  he  said  he  was  a  Bolshevik." 

"Do  you  have  orders  to  arrest  the  Bolsheviki?" 

"Yes,  sir." 

"Where  did  you  get  those  orders?" 

This  left  the  officer  in  the  quandary  the  general  ex- 
pected to  place  him.  To  this  young  warden  the  gen- 
eral made  the  following  statement: 

"Whoever  gave  you  those  orders  must  have  made 
them  up  himself.  The  United  States  is  not  at  war 
with  the  Bolsheviki  or  any  other  faction  of  Russia. 
You  have  no  orders  to  arrest  Bolsheviks  or  anybody 
else  unless  they  disturb  the  peace  of  the  community, 
attack  the  people  or  the  Allied  soldiers.  The  United 
States  army  is  not  here  to  fight  Russia  or  any  group 
or  faction  in  Russia.  Because  a  man  is  a  Bolshevik 
is  no  reason  for  his  arrest.  You  are  to  arrest  only  those 
who  attack  you.  The  United  States  is  only  fighting 
the  Bolsheviki  when  the  American  troops  are  attacked 
by  an  armed  force." 

This  was  my  first  intimation  that  the  United  States 
did  not  consider  the  Bolsheviki  everywhere  as  enemies 
of  the  Allies.  But  as  I  travelled  into  the  interior  I 
found  that  while  General  Graves  had  very  definite 
ideas,  and  very  exacting  orders,  that  not  all  of  the 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          189 

Americans  representing  our  government  in  different 
capacities  were  acting  as  he  was.  The  outcome  of  this 
visit  to  the  army  prison  was  that  the  Bolshevist  prisoner 
was  turned  loose,  as  were  all  others  along  the  line 
wherever  the  general  encountered  them,  unless  they 
were  soldiers  of  the  Red  army  who  had  engaged 
in  a  conflict  with  either  the  United  States  or  Allied 
troops. 

The  world  has  seen  experiments  throughout  the 
war  between  Great  Powers  in  an  endeavor  to  act  to- 
gether both  in  military,  political,  and  commercial  af- 
fairs. To  obtain  united  action  is  a  far  more  difficult 
task  than  to  plan  an  attack  on  an  organized  enemy. 
The  interests  of  all  the  countries  are  totally  different  be- 
cause each  has  a  different  history,  different  obligations, 
and  different  financial  interests.  We  have  a  league 
of  nations  at  work  in  the  United  States.  All  nationali- 
ties are  represented  here,  but  our  government  is  suc- 
cessful because  there  are  well-defined  functions  for 
the  different  departments  of  the  government  and  be- 
cause every  one  can  have  a  voice  hi  affairs  at  the  reg- 
ular elections.  But  imagine  the  United  States  as  a 
nation  without  a  government  and  without  a  funda- 
mental law  and  all  of  the  races  of  peoples  coming  from 
all  parts  of  the  world  getting  together  in  an  effort  to 
unite  upon  a  government  policy  and  a  plan  of  action, 
and  you  will  have  in  a  small  way  an  example  of  the 
difficulties  which  confronted  the  Allies,  acting  as  a 
society  of  nations,  in  Siberia  and  Russia.  Not  only 
were  the  interests  of  the  governments  greatly  at  vari- 
ance with  each  other,  but  the  individual  representatives 
of  the  Great  Powers  interpreted  their  instructions  dif- 


190          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ferently,  and  there  were  personal  as  well  as  national 
differences  of  opinion. 

The  fundamental  principles  which  formed  the  basis 
for  action  in  Siberia  were,  briefly,  the  following: 

1.  Each  Ally  should  land  about  7,000  soldiers; 

2.  Until  further  discussion  between  the  Allied  gov- 
ernments the  sphere  of  activity  for  the  belligerent 
armies  should  be  east  of  Lake  Baikal,  and, 

3.  These  limitations  were  placed  upon  the  move- 
ments of  the  Allied  forces  because  of  the  gulf  which 
separated  the  policy  of  the  United  States  toward  Rus- 
sia and  that  of  the  other  Allies.    The  United  States 
was  reluctantly  brought  around  to  the  plan  for  mili- 
tary intervention.    Our  government  considered  Russia 
essentially  a  reconstruction  problem  and  not  a  war 
question,  while  England,   Japan,   France,   and   Italy 
hoped  to  see  Russia  as  a  belligerent  fighting  Germany 
along  an  eastern  front.    The  United  States  believed 
that  Russia's  salvation  lay  in  her  ability  to  recommence 
work.    The  Allies  contended  that  Russia  could  never 
become  a  Great  Power  without  a  strong  army,  and  that 
an  army  must  be  built  immediately  by  the  Allies  for 
the  Russians. 

These  differences  were  not  eliminated  nor  even' 
bridged  by  the  landing  of  troops  at  Vladivostok  and 
Archangel.  They  were  rather  accentuated,  because 
there  was  a  general  feeling  among  our  Allies  that  if 
American  troops  could  be  landed  in  Russia  there  would 
be  no  end  to  the  number  who  might  be  sent  later.  The 
result  was  that  as  soon  as  the  high  commissioners, 
ambassadors,  and  generals  of  the  Allies  met  in  Vladi- 
vostok each  had  a  different  idea  of  what  should  be 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          191 

done.  General  Knox,  of  the  British  staff,  had  been 
sent  to  Siberia  by  his  government  to  raise  a  volunteer 
army  of  Russians  to  fight  with  the  Czecho-Slovaks 
against  the  Red  army  along  the  Ural  Mountains.  Al- 
though he  was  attached  to  the  Japanese  General  Staff 
as  a  military  observer,  he  was  not  to  be  under  the  au- 
thority of  the  Japanese  army  in  this  work.  General 
Otani,  who  had  been  named  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  Allied  forces  in  Siberia,  was  commander  only 
as  far  as  Lake  Baikal,  and  as  the  Russian  army  was 
not  under  his  jurisdiction  he  had  nothing  to  say  as 
to  the  plans  of  General  Knox. 

But  one  day  at  a  meeting  of  the  generals  command- 
ing the  Allied  armies  at  Japanese  headquarters,  Gen- 
eral Knox  proposed  that  all  of  the  war  materials,  with 
an  estimated  value  of  nearly  $1,000,000,000,  should 
be  turned  over  to  the  new  Russian  army  which  was 
being  formed.  This  met  with  the  immediate  objec- 
tion of  General  Graves,  who  had  been  instructed  by 
our  government  under  no  circumstances  to  give  his 
consent  for  the  use  of  these  war  materials  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  not  the  property  of  the  Allies  but  of 
the  Russian  people;  that  no  government  had  a  right 
to  them  except  the  Russian  Government,  and  that 
inasmuch  as  there  was  no  recognized  Russian  Govern- 
ment, and  the  primary  object  of  the  Allied  landing 
was  to  help  Russia,  the  only  thing  the  Allies  could 
do  was  to  protect  these  materials.  Before  this  meet- 
ing the  city  of  Vladivostok  had  been  divided  into  inter- 
Allied  zones,  and  each  Ally  undertook  the  respon- 
sibility of  guarding  the  supplies  in  its  zone. 

The  outcome  of  this  conference  was  that  the  Allies 


192          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

did  not  vote  upon  the  Knox  proposal,  and  after  that 
the  question  was  never  brought  up  again,  although 
the  Czecho-Slovaks,  on  the  ground  that  they  were 
fighting  for  Russia,  commandeered  automobiles  and 
other  supplies  which  they  needed  for  their  poorly 
equipped  army. 

The  French  and  British  campaigned  incessantly  for 
military  intervention.  They  are  carrying  out  the  in- 
structions of  then*  governments  and  the  recommenda- 
tions of  their  military  leaders,  whose  object  was  the 
recreation  of  an  Eastern  front.  They  were  panicky 
after  the  March  and  May  offensives  of  Germany  in 
France,  and  forecasted  a  military  disaster  for  the  Allies 
unless  a  two-front  war  was  re-begun  via  Russia. 

American  representatives  were  sceptical  of  the  prac- 
ticability of  extensive  military  intervention,  but  they 
were  reporting  all  the  facts  and  their  observations 
directly  to  Washington  and  following  only  the  instruc- 
tions which  they  received  from  their  department  chiefs. 
Although  they  were  in  as  close  contact  with  Russian 
affairs  as  any  of  the  Allied  representatives,  they  weighed 
more  carefully  than  the  others  the  objections  and  points 
in  favor  of  intervention,  because  they  realized,  and 
the  Allies  knew,  that  if  there  was  to  be  an  extensive 
military  campaign  in  Russia  the  burden  would  fall 
upon  the  United  States  and  Japan,  because  neither 
England  nor  France  had  the  troops  to  spare  for  a  Rus- 
sian campaign.  Great  Britain  was  so  short  of  effec- 
tives, for  instance,  that  when  General  Knox  arrived 
in  Siberia  and  inspected  the  British  soldiers  who  had 
been  sent  there  he  called  them  his  " hernia  battalion," 
because  every  man  had  been  previously  discharged 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          193 

from  active  military  service  because  he  had  been 
"gassed."  While  well-equipped,  the  French  soldiers 
were  from  tropical  countries  and  unaccustomed  to 
European  warfare,  and  the  Italian  troops,  upon  their 
arrival  in  Harbin  from  South  China  in  late  October, 
nearly  froze  to  death  because  they  had  no  whiter  equip- 
ment of  any  kind. 

But  Ambassador  Morris,  General  Graves,  and  Ad- 
miral Knight  were  making  a  special  study  of  the  situa- 
tion. The  American  Government  had  already  tested, 
in  difficult  positions  in  the  past,  the  opinion  of  each 
man  and  each  was  known  to  be  vitally  interested  in 
helping  his  country  help  Russia  through  the  difficult 
period  of  reconstruction.  The  pressure  which  was 
brought  to  bear  upon  these  three  men  in  favor  of  mili- 
tary intervention  and  against  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  Government  was  as  tremendous  as  was  the 
influence  from  Washington  and  the  government  in 
favor  of  a  "sit-tight  policy."  Each  official  had  been 
in  Russia  several  months,  had  read  all  of  the  reports 
from  American  representatives  in  all  parts  of  Russia, 
and  had  conferred  with  thousands  of  Russians  and 
Allies.  Each  had  held  the  individual  opinion  that  the 
United  States  should  not  take  part  in  military  inter- 
vention, on  a  great  scale,  for  various  reasons.  With 
the  exception  of  Admiral  Knight  they  held  that  the 
United  States  needed  to  concentrate  all  of  her  atten- 
tion and  strength  hi  France  in  order  to  win  the  war; 
they  believed  Bolshevism  could  not  be  defeated  by 
an  army,  and  they  believed  the  Russian  people  would 
consider  an  Allied  army  an  enemy  and  not  a  friendly 
force. 


194          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

In  October  events  were  moving  rapidly  in  France 
and  Belgium  and  no  less  rapidly  in  Russia.  It  was 
quite  evident  that  the  All-Russian  Government  which 
was  in  power  in  Omsk  had  the  support  of  the  people. 
It  was  equally  clear  that  the  Bolsheviki  authorities 
had  practically  reached  the  limit  of  their  strength 
and  public  support.  At  any  moment  the  Czecho- 
slovaks expected  to  see  developments  in  European 
Russia  follow  the  same  line  as  those  in  Austria  and 
Germany  when  there  were  demands  from  the  Central 
Powers  for  an  armistice. 

In  order  to  understand  the  military  situation  it 
should  be  made  clear  that  the  Czecho-Slovak  forces 
had  been  fighting  in  Siberia  since  May;  that  they  had 
had  nothing  but  the  moral  support  of  the  Allied  rep- 
resentatives; that  they  had  been  promised  definite 
military  assistance,  but  that  after  six  months  of  fight- 
ing they  were  so  exhausted  as  to  be  incapable  of  further 
aggressive  action.  The  Allies  had  landed  at  Vladi- 
vostok ostensibly  to  help  the  Czechs  but  so  far  nothing 
had  been  done.  The  Czech  soldiers  and  members  of 
the  Czecho-Slovak  National  Council  in  Russia  were 
not  only  disappointed  but  discouraged,  and  they 
realized  that  unless  the  Allies  assisted  them  they  would 
be  forced  to  withdraw  from  Russia,  and  that  if  they 
withdrew  the  All-Russian  Government  would  fall  and 
the  Bolsheviki  would  succeed  to  authority  in  Siberia. 

All  of  these  elements  entered  into  the  consideration 
of  the  Russian  problem  by  the  American  representa- 
tives. They  had  also  the  instructions  of  their  govern- 
ment. They  knew  the  attitude  of  the  Allies.  They 
knew  the  stupendous  and  almost  unmeasurable  dif- 
ficulties confronting  the  problem  of  transporting  and 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          195 

supplying  an  army  in  Siberia.  They  knew,  for  in- 
stance, that  the  United  States  could  land  a  hundred 
thousand  soldiers  in  France  to  a  thousand  in  Siberia 
because  of  the  lack  of  ships  on  the  Pacific. 

Despite  all  of  these  objections,  and  after  consider- 
ing the  situation  as  it  existed  in  Siberia,  these  three 
representatives  cabled  a  joint  report  to  the  State,  War, 
and  Navy  Departments  for  the  President,  going  into 
great  detail  and  recommending,  not  that  the  United 
States  send  a  large  army  to  Siberia  but  that  a  small 
detachment  of  men  be  sent  from  Vladivostok,  together 
with  detachments,  representing  the  other  nations,  to 
the  Ural  front  to  assist  the  Czecho-Slovaks,  for  its 
moral  effect  upon  Siberia  and  because  of  the  encourage- 
ment which  this  would  give  to  the  armies  fighting  the 
Bolsheviki  in  case  the  developments  of  October  in  Ger-, 
many  should  be  such  as  to  indicate  Germany's  with- 
drawal from  the  war.  This  document  was  probably 
the  most  important  American  report  ever  sent  from 
Russia.  The  President  himself  regarded  it  as  "the 
most  convincing  document"  he  had  read  on  the  Rus- 
sian problem. 

For  a  time  it  looked  as  if  it  might  be  possible  for  all 
of  the  Allies  to  unite  upon  this  recommendation  of  the 
three  American  observers,  but  after  careful  considera- 
tion President  Wilson  replied  to  his  representatives  in 
Vladivostok  that  the  chief  of  staff  of  the  army  had 
vetoed  the  plan  of  action  which  was  proposed. 

This  decision  was  probably  the  gravest  and  most 
decisive  as  far  as  Russia  is  concerned,  for  the  events 
which  followed  the  failure  of  the  United  States  to  join 
the  Allies  and  do  what  obviously  should  have  been 
done,  and  what  the  American  representatives  them- 


196          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

selves  recommended,  changed  the  whole  course  of 
Russia's  future.  The  events  which  followed  this  de- 
cision, which  in  light  of  recent  developments  was  the 
greatest  mistake  in  the  whole  Allied  programme  toward 
Russia,  brought  about  the  downfall  of  the  All-Russian 
Government,  the  Koltshak  dictatorship  in  Omsk,  the 
complete  discouragement  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  forces, 
and  their  gradual  withdrawing  from  the  front.  It  was 
followed  by  the  growth  of  Bolshevism  in  Siberia,  and 
instead  of  the  war  ending  in  Russia,  as  dramatically 
and  suddenly  as  it  ended  in  Europe,  we  find  the  civil 
war  continuing  and  the  Allies  still  discussing  what 
should  be  done  in  Russia. 

October,  1918,  was  the  decisive  month  in  the  his- 
tory of  Russian  independence  as  expressed  by  the 
revolution.  The  decision  of  one  government  had  the 
effect  of  the  decision  of  a  Roman  Emperor  when  he 
turned  down  his  thumb  before  a  gladiator. 

It  is  pathetic  to  describe  the  effect  of  this  decision 
upon  the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers  in  Russia.  They  had 
great  expectations.  They  had  been  promised  assistance 
by  official  representatives  of  the  United  States.  They 
had  been  encouraged  to  believe  that  the  Czecho-Slovak 
army  would  be  "the  backbone  of  Allied  action  in  Rus- 
sia," as  the  United  States  consul-general  in  Irkutsk 
had  telegraphed.  As  far  back  as  July  they  had  been 
hoping.  On  July  4,  1918,  they  sent  the  following 
official  letter  to  President  Wilson: 

"OMSK,  SIBERIA,  July  4,  1918. 
"To  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America  : 

"MR.  PRESIDENT  :  On  this,  the  American  national 
holiday,  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  on  the  banks  of  the 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          197 

Volga,  on  the  slopes  of  the  Urals,  in  the  forests  and  on 
the  steppes  of  Siberia,  fighting  against  the  insatiable 
hydra  of  Austro-German  imperialism,  sends  to  you, 
Mr.  President,  and  through  you  to  all  the  noble  people 
of  the  United  States  of  America  and  their  brave  army, 
sincere  congratulations. 

"The  revolt  of  the  North  American  Colonies  in 
1776  was  a  struggle  not  only  for  the  political  freedom 
of  the  individual  citizen,  but  also  for  a  condition  of 
natural  political  independence,  all  of  which  has  been 
preserved  to  history. 

"The  present  war  is  a  continuation  of  that  revolt. 
Therefore  it  is  quite  natural  that  America,  together 
with  the  other  Allies,  and  the  oppressed  nations  of 
Central  and  Eastern  Europe,  should  fight  for  the  same 
idea  for  which  she  fought  142  years  ago. 

"Please  accept,  Mr.  President,  from  the  Czecho- 
slovak army  hi  Russia,  the  sincere  expression  of  its 
respect  and  thanks  for  your  noble  effort  hi  behalf  of 
the  triumph  of  justice  and  liberty,  which  will  be  also 
a  triumph  for  the  Czecho-Slovak  nation. 
(Signed)  FIRST  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CZECHO-SLOVAK 
ARMY  AT  CHELIABINSK: 

K.  Zmrhal,  Chairman.        J.  Hrbek,  Secretary. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  CZECHO- 
SLOVAK ARMY  :  BRANCH  OF  THE  CZECHO- 
SLOVAK NATIONAL  COUNCIL  FOB  RUSSIA: 

B.  Pavlu,  Chairman.  Fr.  Richter,  Secretary." 

On  the  same  day  a  letter  was  despatched  to  "The 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  American  Army"  in  Wash- 
ington, signed  by  the  same  officials,  in  which  the  hope 
was  expressed  that  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  would 


198          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"soon  meet  its  American  brother  soldiers  on  the  same 
front."  This  letter  I  shall  give  verbatim  because  it 
was  one  of  the  numerous  official  communications  which 
have  never  been  published. 

"OMSK,   SIBERIA,  July  4,   1918. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  American  Army. 

"Sin  :  In  the  name  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  army, 
which,  in  the  wide  territory  of  the  Russian  Empire, 
is  defending  itself  against  the  intrigues  of  Austro-Ger- 
man  imperialism,  we  beg  that  you  notify  the  brave 
army  of  the  United  States  of  America  on  this  Amer- 
ican national  holiday,  the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers  are 
thinking  of  their  American  brothers  in  arms  and  send 
their  ardent  wish  for  continued  success  on  all  fronts. 

"The  Czecho-Slovak  army  is  firmly  convinced  that 
it  will  soon  meet  its  American  brother  soldiers  on  the 
same  front,  and  that  the  unity  of  effort  and  unity  of 
aim  which  strengthens  us  will  be  sealed  and  conse- 
crated by  the  blood  jointly  poured  out  for  the  highest 
ideals  of  humanity.  Eternal  memory  to  the  American 
heroes  who  laid  down  their  lives  for  liberty!  Glory 
and  success  to  the  brave  warriors  who  to-day  are  carry- 
ing their  blood  to  the  altar  of  humanity!" 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  for  the  United 
States  was  very  real  and  was  still  as  unbounded  in 
October  as  it  was  when  these  letters  were  written 
in  July.  The  faith  of  that  army  alone  hi  Russia  in 
America's  help  was  so  extensive  and  vital  that  when 
Major-General  Graves  and  Ambassador  Morris  com- 
municated the  fatal  decision  of  Washington  that  United 
States  forces  would  not  be  despatched  to  the  Urals,  the 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA  199 

officials  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  National  Council  in 
Vladivostok  and  the  army  leaders  in  Cheliabinsk  and 
Ekaterinburg  would  not  communicate  the  message  to 
the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers  for  fear  of  the  reaction  it 
would  have  upon  the  morale  of  the  soldiers.  The  Czech 
officials  in  Vladivostok  did  not  even  telegraph  the 
announcement  to  the  representatives  of  the  National 
Council  in  Ekaterinburg,  and  as  late  as  December,  two 
months  after  America  had  decided  against  further 
intervention,  the  officials  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  Na- 
tional Council  at  the  headquarters  in  the  Ural  Moun- 
tains did  not  know  it.  They  were  still  hoping  and 
praying  for  help,  not  knowing  the  "  thumbs  were  down." 
Having  been  informed  of  the  decision  before  I  left 
Vladivostok,  I  asked  both  General  Syrovy,  the  chief- 
adjutant  of  General  Gaida,  and  the  vice-president  of 
the  National  Council  whether  they  had  received  such 
information,  and  they  answered  that  all  the  reports 
they  had,  indicated  that  American  military  aid  would 
be  forthcoming,  and  they  were  further  encouraged  hi 
this  belief  by  several  American  officials  at  that  time 
in  Siberia  who  had  been  campaigning  for  American 
military  intervention,  and  had  ignored  their  instruc- 
tions from  Washington  not  to  take  part  in  politics. 

Having  observed  something  of  the  intrigue  and 
having  encountered  a  part  of  the  propaganda  of  de- 
ception which  was  so  extensive  in  Russia  during  the 
fall  and  winter,  I  was  not  surprised  when  I  learned 
that  the  Czecho-Slovak  troops  had  mutinied  and  re- 
fused to  go  to  the  Bolshevist  front.  This  refusal  of 
brave  and  trusted  men  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  their 
commanders  was  a  pathetic  contrast  to  the  enthu- 


200          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

siasm  in  which  they  entered  the  first  battles  against 
the  Red  army  of  European  Russia,  when  the  Soviets 
broke  the  treaties  which  were  made  in  April. 

I  was  in  Ekaterinburg  at  the  time  at  the  head- 
quarters of  Major-General  Gaida  when  he  announced 
that  he  had  ordered  several  regiments  to  the  northern 
front  in  preparation  for  an  attack  on  Perm,  which 
was  held  by  the  Red  army.  Gaida's  staff  had  been 
laboring  for  several  weeks  on  a  plan  of  campaign,  which, 
as  explained  at  the  tune,  appeared  to  be  a  simple  opera- 
tion. Gaida's  orders  were  for  an  advance  on  November 
24.  When  his  orders  were  transmitted  to  the  troops 
they  refused  to  obey  and  sent  representatives  to  the 
National  Council  to  protest  against  further  fighting 
against  the  Bolsheviki.  General  Syrovy  had  already 
informed  me  in  an  interview  that  the  Omsk  coup  d'etat 
"had  killed  his  soldiers,"  because  they  believed  that 
Admiral  Koltshak  represented  the  old  Russian  Gov- 
ernment and  not  the  Social  Democrats.  The  colonel 
of  one  of  the  Czech  regiments  committed  suicide  when 
his  troops  refused  to  obey  his  orders.  And  because 
some  five  regiments  mutinied  there  was  a  decisive 
crisis  in  the  Czecho-Slovak  armies  which  demanded 
immediate  attention. 

On  the  night  of  the  24th,  after  his  plans  had  been 
made  useless  by  this  action  of  the  troops,  Major-Gen- 
eral Gaida  left  for  Cheliabinsk  to  confer  with  his  col- 
league, Major-General  Syrovy,  an  heroic  commander 
who  had  already  lost  an  eye  in  his  fighting  with  his 
troops  against  the  Bolsheviki.  At  this  conference  the 
date  of  the  offensive  was  advanced  to  the  27th,  and 
the  following  night  when  Gaida  returned  to  Ekaterin- 


DECISIVE  DAYS  IN  SIBERIA          201 

burg  he  had  regained  his  confidence  and  plans  were 
made  for  the  new  attack. 

On  this  quick  journey  I  had  accompanied  Gaida,  to- 
gether with  Major  Slaughter  of  the  United  States  army, 
who  had  had  been  attached  to  the  Czecho-Slovak  army 
by  Major-General  Graves  early  in  May,  and  who  had 
accompanied  them  throughout  all  of  their  campaigns 
in  Russia  and  Siberia.  Slaughter  was  a  young  regular 
army  officer,  who,  as  military  attache,  had  seen  more 
of  the  Czech  fighting  than  any  other  American.  As 
an  observer  he  was  powerless  to  do  more  than  report 
the  developments  to  the  American  headquarters  hi 
Vladivostok,  because  he  had  already  been  informed  by 
Graves  that  the  American  army  would  not  reach  the 
Urals,  but  he  followed  with  intense  sympathy  and 
interest  every  move  of  the  military  chessboard  of  Cen- 
tral Russia  in  his  second-class  railway  coach,  which 
was  his  travelling  home,  and  which  he  held  in  readiness 
for  the  American  consul  in  Ekaterinburg  and  his  family 
in  case  of  a  break  hi  the  "front." 

The  reasons  for  the  Czecho-Slovak  troops'  refusal 
to  fight  was  more  fundamental  than  a  mere  objection 
to  the  changes  in  the  Omsk  government.  Ever  since 
the  armistice  the  Bolshevist  propagandists  had  been 
active  along  the  fighting-line,  distributing  leaflets  and 
posters  appealing  to  the  Czechs  to  return  to  Bohemia 
via  Russia.  These  documents,  copies  of  which  I  saw 
in  Ekaterinburg,  informed  the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers 
that  there  was  a  revolution  in  Austria-Hungary;  that 
all  property  was  being  divided ;  that  the  workers  were 
seizing  everything  from  palaces  to  factories,  and  that 
unless  the  Czecho-Slovak  soldiers  hi  Russia  returned 


202          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

home  they  would  not  share  in  the  "new  distribution" 
of  wealth  and  property!  These  appeals  were  very 
similar  to  those  sent  abroad  to  the  American  and  Brit- 
ish forces  in  Murmansk  which  resulted  later  in  the 
mutiny  of  American  troops  on  that  front. 

October  was  a  decisive  month  for  Russia,  and 
November  was  the  critical  month  for  the  Czecho- 
slovaks. The  first  destroyed  all  possibility  for  an 
overthrow  of  the  Bolshevist  Government  in  Moscow 
and  Petrograd,  and  the  second  was  the  beginning  of 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  troops  from  the 
Ural  front  to  guard  the  railways  of  Siberia  for  the  new 
Russian  army  under  Koltshak. 


CHAPTER  X 
VAGABONDING  BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK 

EVEN  at  forty  degrees  below  zero  there  is  an  unusual 
fascination  about  a  vagabond  journey  through  Siberia. 
One  forgets  the  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki  and  follows  the 
route  of  the  revolution.  Often  during  my  stay  in  Eka- 
terinburg, after  driving  about  the  city  in  an  open  sleigh, 
bundled  in  furs  and  breathing  the  sharp,  invigorating 
air;  after  walking  through  the  second-hand  "lombards," 
and  the  shops  of  the  Russian  Co-operative  Union,  I 
trekked  over  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Czecho-Slovak 
National  Council  hi  the  "  Amerikansky  Nomera" 
to  chat  with  the  revolutionists  of  central  Europe, 
of  Prague,  Pilsen,  and  Karlsbad  about  the  armistice, 
the  Omsk  government,  the  future  of  Russia,  and  the 
glorious  days  of  the  Czecho  campaign  against  the  Bol- 
sheviki— the  days  which  ended  so  tragically  for  Rus- 
sia, for  the  Czechs  and  Slovaks,  for  the  Allies,  and  for 
the  world. 

There  were  reminiscences  of  heroic  times  in  these 
conversations.  Earlier  hi  the  war,  as  a  correspondent 
with  the  German  and  Austrian  armies,  I  had  listened 
to  the  denunciations  of  the  Czechs  by  the  military 
leaders  of  the  two  Kaisers  when  I  visited  their  head- 
quarters in  Poland  and  Galicia.  I  heard  them  defamed 
for  their  loyalty  to  Czecho-Slovakia  and  their  hatred 
of  the  Dual  Monarchy.  In  the  minds  of  the  Mili- 
tarists of  central  Europe  these  men  were  " deserters," 

203 


204          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

"cowards,"  "fanatics,"  "revolutionists,"  and  "an- 
archists." What  a  contrast  it  was  between  those  meet- 
ings with  the  leaders  of  the  "old  world"  and  these 
young  men  hi  Russia,  the  vanguard  of  the  "new  order" 
in  central  Europe ! 

To  meet  the  Czechs  face  to  face,  after  listening  to 
their  enemies'  denunciation  of  them,  was  to  meet  the 
men  of  the  future,  for  the  Czechs  and  Slovaks,  although 
revolutionists  and  Socialists,  had  a  glorious  past  and 
a  promising  future  as  leaders  in  the  reconstruction  of 
the  war-wrecked  monarchy  of  the  Hapsburgs. 

Of  their  fighting  in  Russia,  in  a  foreign  land,  for  their 
own  freedom  and  the  defeat  of  Bolshevism  because  of 
the  danger  of  Bolshevism  in  Russia  to  their  own  new 
nation  of  Bohemia,  I  learned  at  first-hand  from  some 
of  the  participants  who  were  laboring  ceaselessly  at 
the  headquarters  in  Ekaterinburg.  The  tale  of  the 
encounter  at  Penza,  which  one  of  the  young  men  re- 
lated in  broken,  colorful  English,  was  typical  of  the 
new  folk-songs  which,  for  generations  to  come,  will  be 
handed  down  to  the  children  of  Czecho-Slovakia  as 
the  account  of  an  heroic  moment  in  the  fight  of  these 
oppressed  people  for  their  national  independence. 

"I  was  sitting  in  the  window  of  my  coupe,"  said  a 
young  Czech  in  relating  the  epic  of  Penza.  "I  looked 
at  the  city  of  Penza,  the  beautiful,  white  town,  which 
now  contains  a  part  of  the  history  of  our  army.  There 
was  determined  the  fate  of  our  echelons;  also  the  fate 
of  the  Soviet  Government. 

"This  view  of  the  white,  oriental  Penza  always 
awoke  in  me  emotions,"  the  narrator  continued.  (I 
shall  give  his  own  words,  jotted  down  at  the  time  in 


U 


CO 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  205 

my  note-book).  "Destiny  sent  its  artists  to  the  enor- 
mous scene  of  the  great  Siberian  Railway,  on  a  front 
having  a  length  of  7,000  miles  from  Serdobsk  to  Vladi- 
vostok. Over  every  mile  was  six  of  our  soldiers,  badly 
armed,  which  the  Soviet  Government  gave  the  name 
'rebels'  and  'counter-revolutionists.'  'Everyman  has 
the  right  to  shoot  them  like  dogs,'  said  the  Soviet.  'If 
they  give  up  their  arms,  they  are  allowed  to  go  into 
prison-camps  and  shall  have  time  enough  to  think 
about  then*  stupid  deeds,  for  these  people  will  fight 
against  the  German-Magyar  reaction.' 

"After  the  occupation  of  Cheliabinsk  came  the 
official,  bloody  telegrams  of  'Tovarish  (Comrade) 
Trotsky.  They  also  came  to  us  in  Penza.  And  it 
began  the  first  act  of  the  tragedy. 

"Yes,  it  is  necessary  to  say  aloud:  'The  Czecho- 
slovak Communists  were  the  causers.  They  falsely 
informed  their  Russian  comrades.  They  provoked 
against  us  the  simple  Russian  workmen  and  soldiers ! ' ' 
My  Czech  informer  was  relating  what  the  Bolshevists 
said  about  the  Czechs.  "  'In  their  army,'  "  he  con- 
tinued to  quote,  'they  were  soldiers  with  five  roubles 
a  month  salary,  when  they  might  go  to  the  Red  army 
where  they  become  colonels,  etc.,  with  600-1,000  roubles 
salary,  four  horses  and  servants.' 

"The  tune  in  Penza,  especially  the  last  two  weeks 
before  the  fight,  has  been  the  hardest  of  our  life.  Our 
soldiers  have  been  daily  offended,  and  I  myself  admired 
the  character  of  them,  who  gave  no  answer  to  the  prov- 
ocations, having  no  order  to  do  so. 

"On  the  27th  of  May,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, came  Tovarish  Kurajev  on  the  station.  He  was 


206          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

willing  to  speak  to  our  soldiers  at  a  meeting.  The 
meeting  has  been  prepared.  Our  soldiers  were  stand- 
ing around  a  wagon  he  was  to  speak  from.  At  the 
meeting  have  been  only  our  soldiers,  no  officers,  so  I 
gave  Kurajev  the  occasion  to  speak  only  to  them. 
How  he  thought  about  these  soldiers  he  showed  in 
his  oration.  This  oration  was  the  most  demagogical 
I  heard  in  my  life.  I  felt  'How  he  offends  our  sol- 
diers.' He  thought  to  have  before  him  a  flock  of  sheep. 
Besides  him  was  standing  the  Czech  Communist 
Rausher.  After  Kurajev  spoke  Minikin,  and  he  spoke 
worse  than  his  master.  He  told  us:  'You  are  fighting 
to  hold  the  throne  of  the  Czar.  You  are  not  going 
to  France  but  to  Africa  to  fight  negro  workmen  and 
peasants.  France  only  will  have  use  of  you  and  give 
nothing.  You  are  sold  to  American  millionaires.  You 
are  goat  meat/ 

"A  part  of  our  soldiers  laughed  and  another  part 
cried:  'Down  with  the  swindler,  the  shark!' 

"Between  the  oration  of  Kurajev  and  Minikin  spoke 
some  of  our  boys.  They  spoke  shortly:  'We  believe 
our  political  leaders.  We  shall  not  give  one  rifle.  Who 
desires  our  rifles  shall  come  and  get  them.  We  go 
with  our  officers  and  we  win,'  said  our  soldiers  directly 
to  Kurajev.  'We  do  not  know  the  word  bourgeoisie. 
We  are  one  family  of  exiles,  without  home,  proletarians 
without  bread.  We  only  have  our  rifles.  Who  touches 
our  army  touches  our  revolutionary  movement  and 
our  existence.  If  it  is  necessary  we  will  fight  against 
everybody,  against  all  the  world.'  These  were  the 
answers  of  our  boys. 

"Thunder,  lightning,  and  wild  rain  interrupted  so 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  207 

the  meeting  finished.  Kurajev  dropped  out  and  I 
had  the  occasion  to  ask  how  agreeable  it  was  for  him, 
but  he  went  to  the  telegraph  and  asked  Moscow  for 
help. 

"Our  situation  was  critical.  Being  enclosed  by  the 
influence  of  the  hostile  Soviet,  a  drop  in  the  sea  of  the 
enormous  Russian  nation,  we  did  not  know  what  to 
do,  in  what  direction  we  should  expect  the  hostile  at- 
tack. 

"We  resolved  to  make  an  end,  to  take  Penza,  but 
we  did  not  fulfil  this  plan  immediately.  Perhaps  it 
was  the  good  spirit  of  our  nation  who  acted  for  us  and 
did  not  allow  us  to  begin  the  fight  with  the  disappointed 
Russian  nation,  with  our  brethren,  although  the  occu- 
pation of  Penza  at  this  tune  would  not  cost  us  such 
victims  as  later.  But  we  can  be  satisfied.  We  re- 
mained true  to  the  traditions  of  our  nation,  who  raises 
his  sword  only  against  an  attack. 

"But  to  leave  Penza  against  the  will  of  the  Soviet 
was  impossible.  Everywhere  was  his  influence.  To 
leave  the  town  was  necessary,  to  destroy  this  influence 
in  the  town  and  surrounding  country,  to  take  the  power 
in  our  hands.  Against  an  aggression  we  were  guarded 
by  sending  night  patrols,  without  rifles,  with  only  a 
hand-grenade  in  the  pocket,  and  observe  the  enemy 
all  the  way  from  the  town  to  the  station.  The  Soviet 
endeavored  to  strengthen  his  power  in  the  town  and 
around  us.  In  the  barracks  near  the  station  were 
formed  new  companies  of  internationalists,  of  Magyars 
and  Germans.  It  seemed  to  be  a  madness,  a  few  men 
to  fight  against  the  great  Russian  state.  Perhaps  we 
should  give  up  the  ammunition  and  the  Soviet,  though 


208          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

'we  shall  make  them  give  up.'  That  we  would  have 
any  progress,  that  we  could  occupy  the  town  and  oblige 
the  Soviet  to  fulfil  our  will,  to  go  to  the  East,  they 
did  not  think,  but  the  conflict  neared  with  every  mo- 
ment. 

"On  the  28th  of  May,  about  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  a  new  train  arrived  on  the  station,  on  which 
also  were  three  armored  automobiles.  One  of  them 
was  large,  armed  by  an  8-cm.  gun  and  some  machine- 
guns;  the  other  two  smaller,  with  two  or  three  ma- 
chine-guns. The  train  stopped  directly  beside  our 
train  and  the  machine-guns,  occasionally,  were  directed 
on  our  train. 

"  'These  armored  trains  are  for  us.  We  must  take 
them.'  It  was  the  presentiment,  the  feeling  of  our 
men  who  were  in  a  dangerous  position.  The  order 
was  given  to  Lieutenant  Shvetz,  who  designated  for 
this  work  the  Fifth  Company  of  the  First  Regiment. 
Like  shadows  went  our  boys  between  the  trains,  then 
under  the  hostile  train,  some  leap  on  the  platform 
and  the  autos  are  ours  without  a  shot.  The  other 
part  of  the  company  deserted  the  enemy,  who  was  in 
the  wagons.  No  resistance  was  met.  The  order  '  Hands 
up'  was  sufficient.  And  there  were  also  our  first  pris- 
oners, fifty  men,  one  of  them  wounded.  The  auto- 
mobiles are  hi  our  hands.  We  began  the  hostilities 
ourselves  but  we  have  been  obliged  to  do  so  to  hinder 
an  attack.  We  tried  to  continue  the  conference.  The 
automobiles  will  be  ours  as  long  as  the  situation  is 
not  cleared.  And,  to  make  the  situation  not  worse, 
we  gave  the  first  wounded  back  to  the  enemy  though 
his  wound  was  bad.  He  died  the  same  night.  To  the 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  209 

automobiles  we  gave  our  guards  and  hoped  still  the 
Soviet  would  let  us  go  willingly. 

"The  station  was  filled  with  peasants  with  baggage, 
who  had  been  waiting  two  days  already  for  a  train. 
They  showed  their  spite  against  the  Red  army  in  loud 
abuses,  and  we  were  obliged  to  defend  our  prisoners 
against  the  crowd.  In  little  groups  stood  our  brothers 
speaking  to  the  peasants  who  we  are  and  what  we 
desire  and  why  the  Soviet  detains  us. 

"In  the  town,  when  the  Soviet  had  been  informed 
about  the  incident,  began  an  alarm.  We  heard  it. 
It  begins  to  sound  a  siren  in  a  factory,  without  an  end. 
Then  a  second,  third,  etc.  In  all  factories  alarm.  It 
seems  the  town  cries  for  help.  This  horrible  sound 
mobilizes  the  Bolsheviki  workmen.  The  situation 
continues  all  morning.  The  Soviet  concentrates  his 
forces. 

"A  change  began  in  the  afternoon.  From  the  right 
side,  near  the  railroad  bridge,  we  hear  some  shots. 
The  Bolsheviki  attacked  some  unarmed  brothers  and 
these  have  been  our  first  wounded.  We  are  momently 
in  our  positions.  The  second  battalion  captures  the 
houses  near  the  station.  Our  company  of  the  battal- 
ion occupies  the  barracks  on  the  other  side.  They 
are  not  Communists  but  prisoners,  Germans  and  Mag- 
yars, who  betrayed  the  Social  Republic,  taking  their 
old  uniforms  and  running  into  the  forests. 

"  Again  silence.  We  get  an  order  to  remain  in  good 
positions.  Only  on  the  right  flank,  direction  Penza  I. 
(there  are  usually  two  depots  in  Russian  cities,  called 
Penza  I.  and  Penza  II.)  we  hear  shots.  A  part  of 
the  battalion  of  the  first  reserve  regiment  (such  of  them 


210          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

who  had  rifles)  got  an  order  to  take  the  station  Penza  I. 
and  occupy  the  locomotive  depot.  They  made  it.  And 
all  locomotives  came  on  the  station  Rjazansko-Uralsk. 

"We  don't  shoot  for  there  is  nobody  we  can  shoot 
at.  But  in  the  town  the  shooting  becomes  stronger 
and  stronger,  every  moment  appears  a  new  machine- 
gun  and  shows  his  presence  by  shooting.  But  they 
shoot  into  the  air.  It  seems  to  be  a  fight  in  the  town 
itself,  in  consequence  of  the  wild  shooting  therein. 

"An  attack  we  could  not  expect  being  guarded  very 
well.  For  the  Red  army  to  attack  the  town  from  the 
Rjazansko-Uralsk  station  was  possible  only  for  the  price 
of  great  losses.  Therefore  he  could  attack  only  from 
the  direction  of  Rtishevo,  or  from  the  northeast  side, 
from  the  station  Penza  I.  After  the  occupation  of 
the  station,  Penza  I.,  by  our  forces,  this  Bolshevist 
battalion  was  obliged  to  retreat  and  he  left  this  north 
way  into  the  town.  He  went  back,  further.  From 
the  south  side  was  an  attack  against  us,  also  very  dif- 
ficult. In  this  direction  was  the  First  Battery,  First 
Regiment,  of  the  Soviet  on  the  station  Krivozerovka 
which  got  an  order  to  attack  the  town  from  the 
south. 

"But  during  all  the  day  the  Bolsheviki  did  not  at- 
tack and  Penza  belonged  to  our  soldiers.  One  night 
later,  on  the  31st  of  May,  we  received  a  telegram  that 
our  Third  Regiment  took  Cheliabinsk,  took  more  than 
18,000  rifles,  80  machine-guns,  and  20  guns.  We  have 
two  victories ! 

"So  our  soldiers  who  were  to  be  'shoot  like  dogs/ 
have  defeated  the  Red  army  in  Penza,  together,  also, 
the  Germans  and  Magyars  prisoners." 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  211 

Not  all  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  recalled  in  such  de- 
tails the  story  of  their  Iliad  in  Russia.  Some  of  them 
had  been  in  this  country  over  four  years.  Yearning 
for  home  they  spoke  more  often  of  their  families  they 
had  left  behind  than  about  their  fighting.  Others, 
who  were  engaged  in  the  supply  division  of  the  army, 
and  who  had  been  promised  assistance  by  the  United 
States  and  Allies,  were  bitter  in  their  denunciation  of 
the  Allies'  failure  to  send  aid,  and  they  appealed  to  me 
as  an  American  correspondent  attached  to  their  army 
to  "tell  the  United  States  to  send  something  besides 
money." 

"We  have  millions  of  dollars  and  hundreds  of  mil- 
lions of  roubles.  We  have  money,  money,  money,  but 
no  supplies.  What  good  does  all  this  money  do  us 
when  there  is  no  market  in  Russia  where  we  can  buy 
food,  clothing,  ammunition,  or  guns.  We  can't  fight 
with  money.  We  need  help,"  they  complained. 

And  they  did  need  help,  indeed,  but  the  possibility 
of  aid  ever  reaching  them  had  already  been  destroyed. 
They,  too,  were  destined  to  be  exiles  in  Russia,  whose 
fate,  as  the  fate  of  Russia,  was  soon  to  be  placed  hi 
the  hands  of  the  statesmen  in  Paris  and  the  League  of 
Nations.  But  they  did  not  know  this,  and  in  order 
to  have  one  more  frantic  appeal  appear  in  the  United 
States,  they  were  willing  to  assist  me  on  my  journey 
eastward  to  Vladivostok  so  that  I  might  telegraph  a 
description  of  their  predicament  to  the  newspapers 
which  I  represented. 

Although  I  had  travelled  over  7,000  miles  in  Siberia 
and  Manchuria  before  I  reached  Ekaterinburg  I  had 
never  purchased  a  railroad  ticket !  Travelling  is  vaga- 


212          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

bonding  in  Russia.  Few  travellers  purchase  tickets. 
There  are  no  regular  collections  and  often  one  can 
travel  as  far  without  a  ticket  as  with  one,  but  these 
were  not  my  reasons  for  travelling  free  of  charge.  On 
the  journey  I  took  with  Major-General  Graves  I  was 
a  guest  of  the  American  commander,  and  he,  as  an 
Allied  officer,  could  travel  wherever  he  wished  on  any 
campaign  or  mission,  whenever  he  received  the  ap- 
proval of  the  inter-Allied  railroad  mission  in  Vladi- 
vostok, or  by  simply  notifying  Japanese  headquarters, 
because  he  and  all  other  Allied  generals  were  officially 
under  the  command  of  the  Japanese  commander-in- 
chief .  The  American  Red  Cross  had  a  different  status. 
This  was  a  recognized  relief  organization  whose  object 
was  to  assist  the  Russian  people,  and  this  society  paid 
no  railroad  fares,  although  it  was  said  the  Russian  rail- 
road officials  were  keeping  a  careful  account  of  every 
mile  travelled  by  American  and  Allied  officers  so  that 
a  bill  could  be  rendered  after  the  war !  Be  that  as  it 
may,  on  my  7,000-mile  journey  I  had  neither  the 
opportunity  nor  permission  to  pay  railroad  fare. 

I  was  not  alone  hi  enjoying  these  free  rides.  I  do 
not  recall  meeting  any  foreigner  in  Russia  who  ever 
bought  a  railroad  ticket,  just  as  I  do  not  recall  having 
seen  any  one  travelling  in  Russia  with  a  properly 
vizaed  passport,  or  card  of  identification.  There  was 
no  check  on  the  travellers  except  in  Harbin  and  Vladi- 
vostok. I  met  Russians,  frequently,  who  had  crossed 
the  Bolshevist  front  into  Siberia  without  being  ques- 
tioned. I  do  not  doubt  but  that  others  travelled  from 
Siberia  to  Moscow  and  Petrograd.  In  Omsk,  on  my 
way  East,  I  met  the  Russian  wife  of  a  Czech  soldier 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  213 

who  had  been  back  and  forth  into  European  Russia 
several  times  as  a  "  Bolshevist  Red  Cross  sister." 

But  now  that  I  was  prepared  to  leave  the  Ural  dis- 
trict for  the  coast,  I  encountered  every  possible  ob- 
stacle. There  were  no  Red  Cross  or  Y.  M.  C.  A.  cars 
returning.  No  Czech  supply-trains  were  scheduled 
to  leave.  No  Allied  officers  contemplated  a  journey 
in  less  than  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks.  The  only  pos- 
sibility appeared  to  be  a  post  train  which  left  Chelia- 
binsk  every  Thursday.  I  was  offered  a  corner  to  sleep 
in  in  one  of  these  cars,  but,  because  I  expected  to  do 
some  writing  during  the  nineteen-day  journey,  I  ap- 
pealed to  the  Czech  National  Council  for  the  use  of 
one  of  their  " office"  cars.  The  National  Council, 
however,  was  anxious  to  keep  all  the  cars  which  had 
been  commandeered  from  the  railroad  as  near  head- 
quarters as  possible  so  that,  in  case  of  an  emergency, 
they  could  move  from  one  city  to  another,  because 
they  never  knew  in  this  ambush  warfare  what  would 
happen  from  one  day  to  the  next. 

I  searched  the  railroad  yards  of  Ekaterinburg  and 
Cheliabinsk  for  a  car,  and  was  about  to  ask  for  the 
use  of  an  abandoned  and  dilapidated  hospital-car, 
which  was  standing  idle  hi  the  yards  of  the  former 
city,  when  it  was  suggested  that  I  go  to  the  Russian 
station-master  and  make  an  appeal. 

After  repeated  calls  with  another  correspondent,  and 
receiving  no  encouragement  or  help,  I  was  on  the  verge 
of  deciding  to  travel  in  one  of  the  post-cars  when  I 
discovered  on  a  siding  a  heavy  passenger-car,  in  fairly 
good  condition,  with  heavy  iron  bars  over  the  windows 
and  doors.  This  car,  according  to  the  sign  on  the  out- 


214          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

side,  was  a  prison-car  which  the  officials  of  the  Tzar's 
government  had  used  to  transport  political  prisoners 
from  European  Russia  to  Siberia  in  the  days  when 
the  will  of  one  man  was  supreme  over  170,000,000. 
This  car  was  a  sort  of  useless  emblem  of  the  old  order, 
and  the  possibility  of  travelling  through  Siberia  in  a 
prison-car  with  the  freedom  of  an  ordinary  citizen  had 
its  fascination,  but  the  following  morning,  when  I 
called  upon  the  station-master  again,  he  informed  me 
that  the  night  before  a  small  office  car  had  been 
brought  to  town  by  one  of  the  Czech  officials,  and 
that  if  I  went  to  the  Czech  National  Council  again  I 
might  be  able  to  obtain  the  use  of  this  coach.  After 
appealing  to  various  members  of  the  Czech  staff,  my 
colleague  and  I  were  given  authority  to  use  the 
car.  General  Gaida  issued  an  order  for  it  to  be 
attached  to  the  regular  train  leaving  that  night  for 
Omsk. 

To  have  succeeded  after  some  four  or  five  days  of 
constant  effort  in  obtaining  a  "private  car"  was  an 
accomplishment  which  can  be  appreciated  only  by 
those  who  had  endeavored,  in  a  country  at  war  and 
disturbed  by  civil  unrest,  to  travel  under  somewhat 
better  conditions  than  those  confronting  the  public. 
After  searching  for  some  war  prisoners  or  baggage- 
men to  help  lug  my  supplies  to  the  car,  and  after  hav- 
ing them  securely  placed  hi  one  of  the  berths,  I  saun- 
tered off  to  the  station  to  thank  the  Russian  railroad 
man  for  his  help,  because  I  felt  greatly  indebted  to 
him.  Before  I  had  entered  Siberia  I  learned  that  ciga- 
rettes and  cigars  were  almost  unobtainable,  and  I 
carried  a  good  supply  of  both  with  me.  Walking  into 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  215 

his  office  with  several  packages  of  cigarettes  and  to- 
bacco, I  asked  him,  through  my  companion,  whether 
he  would  permit  me  to  give  him  something  for  his 
assistance,  and  he  remarked  as  I  began  to  take  the 
packages  out  of  my  overcoat  pocket: 

"I  see  you  know  the  Russian  custom  of  bringing 
gifts!" 

I  continued  to  take  the  valuable  presents  out  of 
my  pockets  and  to  place  them  on  a  desk,  when  he  smiled 
and  became  embarrassed,  finally  remarking : 

"Thank  you,  but  I  do  not  smoke." 

There  were  several  other  Russians  in  the  office,  and 
I  suggested  that  he  give  the  tobacco  to  his  friends. 
And  then  I  beat  a  hasty  retreat  back  to  my  car,  only 
to  find  that  two  officers  had  taken  possession  of  it  in 
the  meantime,  and  to  find  a  young  Russian  girl  in  a 
heated  argument  with  a  Czech  soldier  as  to  who  should 
be  the  porter  on  the  train. 

It  is  the  custom  in  Russia  even  under  revolutionary 
conditions  to  have  a  porter  on  all  special  cars.  The 
young  girl  had  been  assigned  by  the  Co-operative 
Conductors'  Association  to  take  this  car  to  Vladi- 
vostok and  bring  it  back.  The  Czech  soldier  had 
written  orders  from  the  Czecho-Slovak  National  Coun- 
cil to  do  the  same  thing. 

In  order  to  settle  the  dispute  we  paid  the  girl  twenty 
roubles  to  leave,  and  then  went  into  the  other  com- 
partment to  settle  the  matter  with  the  officers,  who 
declared  that  the  car  belonged  to  them.  This  dispute 
was  of  a  much  more  serious  character  because  these 
officers  had  been  given  the  number  of  the  car  by  the 
Czech  soldiers  who  brought  it  to  Ekaterinburg,  and 


216          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

they  were  told  that  if  they  went  down  and  took  pos- 
session of  it,  that  possession  was  ten  points  in  law  in 
Russia.  We  finally  relied  upon  the  order  which  we 
had  received  from  the  Czech  National  Council  and 
from  General  Gaida,  and  delivered  an  ultimatum  to 
the  officers,  informing  them  that  unless  they  left  the 
car  we  would  appeal  to  the  Czech  staff  and  have  them 
ousted. 

It  was  late  at  night  before  these  domestic  problems 
were  settled  and  we  were  comfortably  lodged  in  our 
private  car  with  the  Czech  soldier  as  a  guard,  when 
the  young  Russian  girl  again  appeared  with  her  bundle 
of  clothes  and  tears  in  her  eyes  to  inform  us  that  the 
organization  she  worked  for  had  threatened  her  with 
court-martial  unless  she  returned  to  the  car  and  went 
to  Vladivostok  and  brought  it  back  again. 

The  scene  of  our  activities  was  then  shifted  from 
the  car  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Conductors'  Union, 
and  the  correspondent  who  accompanied  me,  and  who 
spoke  such  excellent  Russian  that  he  could  argue  in 
all  of  the  intricate  ways  of  the  Slavs,  went  to  the  head- 
quarters to  settle  the  dispute  while  I  walked  to  the 
station  to  make  sure  that  our  car  would  be  attached 
to  the  midnight  train  for  Omsk. 

Both  of  us  were  away  for  several  hours.  When  we 
returned  to  the  siding  where  our  car  had  been  we  found 
another  line  of  freight-cars  and  no  coach  answering 
the  description  or  the  number  of  the  car  which  we  had 
left.  Then  began  the  search  for  our  private  car,  which 
we  were  about  to  give  up  as  having  been  lost  to  the 
two  officers  to  whom  the  ultimatum  had  been  delivered 
earlier  in  the  evening.  Walking  through  the  yard 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  217 

during  one  of  those  black  nights  of  Russia,  for  all  nights 
are  not  white  as  many  imagine,  we  searched  every 
track  in  vain  and  decided,  finally,  that  our  only  hope 
lay  in  the  possibility  that  a  switch  engine  might  have 
picked  up  the  car  and  attached  it  to  the  local  train 
at  the  station. 

We  returned  to  the  depot,  where  hundreds  of  refugees 
were  awaiting  an  opportunity  to  take  the  same  train. 
About  two  hours  after  the  train  was  scheduled  to  de- 
part a  switch  engine  appeared  pulling  our  car  and  a 
freight-car  across  the  yard  to  the  first  track  from 
which  all  trains  depart.  "Matusick,"  the  Czech 
soldier-guardsman,  was  on  board.  Our  baggage  was 
piled  securely  on  the  seats.  Candles  were  lighted. 
The  stove  was  red  with  heat,  and,  with  the  ther- 
mometer still  forty  degrees  below  zero  on  the  outside, 
we  climbed  into  our  "private"  car,  wrapped  up  in  our 
army  blankets,  and  trusted  to  luck  that  the  well-known 
"cooties"  of  Russia  would  not  disturb  us.  But  that 
night  it  was  not  only  the  jostling  of  the  four-wheeled 
coach,  which  finally  collapsed  before  we  reached  Har- 
bin, and  the  red  sparks  from  the  wood-burning  loco- 
motive, which  flew  in  the  air  and  bathed  the  train 
with  a  spray  of  burning  cinders,  that  kept  us  awake ! 

In  this  little  car  with  its  single  sleeping-compart- 
ment, its  small  room  with  tables  for  office  use,  its 
kitchen  and  wash-room,  I  journey  from  the  Ural  Moun- 
tains to  the  capital  of  Manchuria  with  my  colleague 
of  the  New  York  Herald  and  two  Czecho-Slovak  sol- 
diers. One  of  them,  "Matusick,"  was  supposed  to 
be  the  "guard,"  porter,  valet,  and  cook,  but  none  of 
these  tasks  fitted  in  with  his  trade  or  ability.  All  he 


218          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

could  do  was  to  master  the  heating-plant  and  steal  coal 
from  cars  and  bins  as  we  travelled  across  the  country. 
And  as  none  of  my  companions  could  cook  the  task 
fell  to  me.  For  seventeen  days  I  prepared  three  and 
often  four  meals,  from  breakfasts  to  midnight  lunches, 
for  four  hungry  vagabonds. 

At  the  beginning  of  our  journey  we  purchased  some 
rice,  honey,  bread,  butter,  and  meat  at  the  markets 
of  Ekaterinburg,  and  begged  some  coffee,  tea,  and 
sugar  from  the  Red  Cross  canteen.  The  rice  was  al- 
most as  expensive  as  platinum.  Honey  cost  about 
two  dollars  a  pound.  Butter  was  reasonably  inex- 
pensive to  an  American  but  dear  for  the  Russians. 
In  Ekaterinburg  I  paid  the  equivalent  of  thirty  cents 
a  pound,  while  later  on  the  road  I  bought  the  best 
creamery  butter  for  nineteen  cents.  Salt  could  neither 
be  purchased  nor  begged.  Coffee,  tea,  and  sugar  were 
forgotten  articles  to  the  Siberians.  The  only  sugar  I 
saw  in  Siberia  was  at  a  market-stand  along  the  rail- 
road. A  Russian  soldier  brought  five  pounds  to  one 
of  the  women  at  the  stand.  Where  he  obtained  it  he 
would  not  say,  nor  did  any  one  seem  to  know,  but  he 
sold  it  for  two  dollars  a  pound. 

With  these  supplies  we  travelled  to  Omsk  where 
we  obtained  chickens,  geese,  and  the  finest  cuts  of 
beef  at  prices  varying  from  twenty  to  thirty  cents 
per  pound.  Food  in  Siberia  appeared  to  be  abundant, 
especially  between  Ekaterinburg  and  Irkutsk,  but 
between  that  city  on  Lake  Baikal  and  Manchouli 
Station  hi  Manchuria  people  were  starving  to  death 
because  of  a  lack  of  food.  This  was  but  another  result 
of  the  revolution.  In  those  districts  where  food  was 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  219 

produced  there  was  plenty.  In  other  sections  where 
the  inhabitants  had  been  dependent  upon  food  shipped 
to  them  from  other  parts  of  Siberia  there  was  nothing. 
This  was  but  one  more  evidence  of  the  failure  of  the 
industrial  revolution.  Until  the  overthrow  of  the 
provisional  government  in  November,  1917,  food  was 
brought  into  these  barren  communities,  but  after  that 
it  stopped  and  every  one  suffered,  rich,  poor,  indus- 
trious, and  lazy  citizens  alike,  for  famine  makes  no  class 
distinction. 

Along  the  route  in  western  Siberia  we  had  no  dif- 
ficulty obtaining  all  the  provisions  we  needed.  Often 
at  the  markets  we  bought  roast  goose,  boiled  pork,  and 
fried  veal  and  beef  which  the  peasant  women  brought 
to  the  depots,  as  the  "regular,"  to  which  our  car  was 
attached,  pulled  into  the  cities  and  towns.  But  it  was 
pathetic  to  travel  through  those  districts  which  were 
foodless,  especially  when  enormous  quantities  of  food 
were  known  to  be  stored  in  various  parts  of  Siberia. 
An  official  of  the  Siberian  Co-operatives  told  me  that 
these  unions  had  20,000,000  roubles'  worth  of  butter 
in  cold  storage  and  40,000,000  roubles'  worth  of  raw 
materials  and  other  food-supplies  in  their  warehouses 
between  Irkutsk  and  Vladivostok.  This  60,000,000 
roubles'  worth  of  supplies  can  neither  be  shipped  to  the 
famine  districts  of  Siberia,  because  of  the  collapse  of 
the  freight  traffic,  nor  can  it  be  sent  to  foreign  countries 
in  exchange  for  manufactured  articles,  such  as  clothing 
and  household  goods,  which  the  Russian  people  need. 

It  was  a  slow  journey  back  to  the  Pacific  coast. 
Sometimes  the  train  would  make  forty  miles  an  hour 
only  to  be  delayed  from  one  to  seven  hours  at  some 


220          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIK! 

station.  As  our  car  was  the  last  one  of  twenty-eight 
we  had  the  conductor  with  us  frequently,  and  from 
him  we  learned  of  the  uncertainties  of  travel,  of  the 
murders  and  robberies  which  occur  in  the  night. 

All  night  long  the  passengers  would  be  crowded  in 
the  box-cars  and  coaches.  In  the  morning,  at  the 
first  stop,  they  would  climb  out  into  the  snow  and 
run,  like  prisoners  fleeing  from  a  guard,  to  the  shanties 
where  boiling  water  was  kept  for  the  travellers.  After 
their  tea  was  brewed  from  chunks  of  "tea  cake,"  a 
preparation  of  tea  dust  and  some  solid  matter,  they 
rushed  back  to  the  cars,  placed  their  kettles  inside 
the  doors,  and  washed  their  faces  and  hands  in  the 
snow.  Until  the  three  bells  were  sounded,  the  Russian 
railroad  custom  of  announcing  the  departure  of  a  train, 
they  would  remain  outside  and  climb  into  their  "cells" 
on  top  of  each  other  after  the  train  began  to  move. 

Between  my  first  and  second  journeys  across  Siberia 
the  armistice  was  signed,  and  although  Russia  was 
not  a  party  to  the  convention  the  end  of  the  war  in 
Europe  had  its  decided  reactions  in  Siberia.  One  of 
the  most  noticeable  changes  was  the  collapse  of  the 
German  Secret  Service  system,  which  fell  like  a  house 
of  cards.  In  every  Siberian  city  there  had  been  a  power- 
ful and  efficient  organization  under  the  chief  direction 
of  neutral  business  men.  In  Omsk  the  chief  was  a 
Swiss;  in  Ekaterinburg  he  was  an  Austrian;  in  Kha- 
barovsk a  Swede,  and  in  Vladivostok  a  Dane.  But 
that  which  was  evident  in  the  remains  of  the  organiza- 
tion was  that  those  who  were  intrusted  with  the  direc- 
tion of  this  work  were  experienced  business  men,  and 
commerce  was  the  basis  upon  which  the  system  was 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  221 

built.  This  was  not  only  a  symptom  of  the  past  but 
an  omen  of  the  future.  It  was  but  another  indica- 
tion of  the  big  business  interests  linked  with  the  old 
German  military  machine. 

While  I  had  encountered  evidences  of  Bolshevist 
propaganda  in  Siberia  on  my  way  West,  I  noticed  a 
decided  growth  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice  with 
Germany,  and  representatives  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks 
in  nearly  every  city  confirmed  the  growth  of  Bolshevism. 
In  Irkutsk,  the  Czech  commandant  of  the  municipal- 
ity said  the  Bolsheviki  had  the  strongest  propaganda 
organization  hi  Irkutsk  and,  by  using  vast  sums  of 
money,  were  obtaining  the  control  of  most  of  the  news- 
papers. While  it  would  have  surprised  me  to  have 
heard  this  statement  on  my  first  trip,  it  was  not  as- 
tounding at  this  tune,  because  I  had  observed  the  laxity 
of  the  control  of  travellers  hi  Omsk  and  Ekaterinburg, 
and  learned  how  easy  it  was  for  agitators  to  travel 
back  and  forth  between  the  Bolshevist  districts  of 
European  Russia  and  Siberia. 

After  seventeen  days,  travelling  at  the  average  rate 
of  seven  miles  an  hour;  after  passing  through  Tchita, 
where  General  Semenov  and  his  15,000  Cossacks  main- 
tained their  reign  of  terror;  after  experiencing  discom- 
forts of  travel  the  like  of  which  I  had  not  encountered 
in  any  war  country  of  Europe,  I  reached  Manchouli 
Station,  to  be  welcomed  at  the  depot  by  members  of 
the  United  States  Railway  Service  Corps  and  a  young 
lieutenant,  whom  Lieutenant-Colonel  Barrows,  chief  of 
the  Intelligence  Division,  had  sent  there  as  an  ob- 
server. 

Manchuria  seemed  like  a  civilized  nation  compared 


222          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

with  Siberia.  It  was  busier  than  it  had  appeared  two 
months  earlier.  The  streets  were  filled  with  Chinese 
and  Russians.  The  markets  were  overflowing  with 
supplies  of  every  description.  Tobacco  was  abundant. 
Sugar,  tea,  rice,  and  other  foodstuffs  were  plentiful, 
and  clothing  could  be  had  at  any  shop.  But  the  chief 
joy  of  the  city  to  every  traveller  from  Siberia  was  the 
city  bath-house,  and  to  this  monopoly  of  cleanliness 
I  hurried,  together  with  scores  of  other  travellers  who 
for  more  than  two  weeks  had  been  vagabonding  in 
Russia.  At  the  bath-house  scores  of  other  citizens 
had  come  —  Chinese,  Russians,  Burats,  Mongolians, 
Englishmen,  Frenchmen,  Japanese,  and  Americans. 
I  bought  my  ticket,  entitling  me  to  one  hour's  standing- 
room  under  a  spray  of  hot  water,  and  stood  in  line 
with  the  others,  waiting  patiently  for  my  turn  to  come; 
but  some  thirty-two  others  were  ahead  of  me,  and  I 
went  out  to  roam  about  the  city  until  it  was  my  turn. 
After  this  recreation  was  over  I  sauntered  to  the 
home  of  the  American  officer,  to  be  treated  with  the 
best  of  the  United  States  army  rations,  which  were 
a  relief  even  to  my  own  cooking!  And  from  him  I 
learned  that  400  Canadians  were  on  their  way  into 
Siberia,  and  that,  after  travelling  in  box-cars  from 
Vladivostok,  every  man  was  begging  and  demanding 
a  bath,  and  the  British  representative  in  that  city 
had  been  ordered  "to  prepare  baths  for  400  men!" 
Those  who  have  not  travelled  in  a  revolutionized  coun- 
try cannot  appreciate  the  feelings  of  those  soldiers  from 
Canada,  but  I  could.  I  had  already  experienced  the 
same  discomforts  that  they  had. 
*  Fortunately  the  "regular"  was  delayed  an  unusually 


BACK  TO  VLADIVOSTOK  223 

long  time  at  Manchouli  Station,  and  in  and  about  the 
city  I  learned  of  the  " antics"  of  Semenov  and  his 
brigands.  Semenov  had  refused  to  recognize  Admiral 
Koltshak  and  was  believed  to  be  supported  by  the 
Japanese.  My  first  intimation  of  this  was  during  the 
stop  at  Irkutsk.  Two  days  previous  to  my  arrival 
there  three  Russian  officers,  said  to  be  attached  to 
Semenoff's  staff,  came  to  the  city  and  were  arrested 
by  officers  representing  Koltshak.  The  following  day 
when  they  were  brought  to  court  the  Japanese  mili- 
tary representative  in  the  city  appeared  to  ask  their 
release  on  the  ground  that  they  were  attached  to  the 
Japanese  staff,  and  the  Japanese  contention  was  ap- 
proved. 

I  had  been  away  from  Vladivostok  several  weeks 
and  had  not  heard  of  the  change  in  the  relationship 
between  the  Japanese  and  the  Americans,  but  as  soon 
as  I  reached  Manchuria  the  Japanese  influence  was 
felt.  The  delay  in  the  departure  of  our  train  was  due 
to  the  movement  of  Japanese  troops  which  passed 
through  the  city  all  day  and  night  en  route  to  the  coast 
from  Tchita  and  the  surrounding  country,  and  I  learned 
for  the  first  time  of  the  extensive  withdrawal  of  Japa- 
nese forces,  the  details  of  which  will  be  given  in  the 
following  chapter. 

After  a  day's  delay  in  Manchouli  Station  our 
"private"  car  was  attached  to  a  slow  freight.  Before 
we  reached  Harbin  the  rear  springs  of  the  car  broke, 
as  a  result  of  the  freight-tram  "drag"  and,  at  the  peril 
of  changing  to  another  car  of  the  moving  train  or 
being  dashed  to  pieces  hi  the  "private, "  we  abandoned 
our  eighteen-day-old  "home"  for  the  safe  compart- 


224          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ment  of  a  coach  belonging  to  the  British  railway  mis- 
sion, and  rode  into  Harbin,  thankful  to  the  Czechs 
and  Fate  that  we  were  so  near  to  Vladivostok  and  Pe- 
king and  so  far  from  Siberia  proper.  The  exodus  was 
not  as  fascinating  as  the  entrance,  although  the  way 
station  of  Harbin  was  like  a  visit  to  America,  because 
the  doors  of  the  United  States  Railway  Service  Corps 
barracks  were  opened  to  two  correspondents,  who  ac- 
cepted the  proffered  hospitality  of  Colonel  Emerson 
with  the  enthusiasm  of  wayward  sons  returning  to 
the  shelter  and  food  of  an  abandoned  home.  After 
a  bath  and  a  night's  rest  I  proceeded  to  Vladivostok, 
where  the  "Japanese  question"  had  long  since  super- 
seded the  Russian  "problem"  in  the  interests  of  the 
Allies. 


CHAPTER  XI 
JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA 

To  travel  from  Omsk  to  Vladivostok,  after  the  armis- 
tice, was  to  pass  from  one  centre  of  politics  to  another. 
The  former  city  was  the  capital  of  anti-Bolshevist 
Russia.  The  latter  was  the  capital  of  the  Far  East, 
and  while  the  days  of  October  were  decisive  for  Rus- 
sia, the  months  of  November,  December,  and  January 
marked  another  critical  period  between  the  relations 
of  the  United  States  and  Japan.  Before  the  war  no 
one  would  have  thought  of  Vladivostok  as  a  meeting- 
place  for  Japan  and  the  United  States  to  discuss  Far 
Eastern  problems  and  politics.  No  one  would  have 
considered  it  even  after  the  Russian  revolution,  but 
during  the  whiter  this  Siberian  city  was  as  much  of  a 
diplomatic  centre  as  it  was  a  military  headquarters, 
and  Asiatic  Russia  was  more  of  a  political  battle-field 
than  a  war  theatre. 

Even  a  short  residence  in  Vladivostok  was  sufficient 
to  convince  one  that  politics  was  of  more  importance 
than  military  strategy,  and  after  a  journey  into  the 
ulterior  and  back  again  this  city  looms  above  the  hori- 
zon of  the  East,  above  Tokyo  and  Peking,  as  the  meet- 
ing-place for  statesmen  and  generals  of  two  different 
civilizations,  of  the  Occident  and  the  Orient,  to  discuss 
and  solve  the  Janus-headed  Siberian  problem — Siberia 
and  its  relation  to  Russia  and  the  world,  and  Siberia  hi 
its  relation  to  Japan  and  China. 

That  the  Great  Powers  understood  the  importance 

225 


226          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

of  Japan's  relations  to  Siberia  was  indicated  by  the 
men  they  selected  as  envoys  and  generals.  Fully  eighty- 
five  per  cent  of  the  Allied  officials  in  western  Russia 
had  represented  their  governments  in  the  Far  East. 
The  French,  Italian,  and  American  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives were  or  had  been  ambassadors  to  Tokyo,  and 
most  of  the  military  men  had  been  attached  to  foreign 
posts  in  the  East  both  before  and  during  the  war. 

In  considering  Japan's  activities  in  Siberia  it  is  not 
only  essential,  however,  that  the  reader  should  know 
the  type  of  men  selected  by  the  Allies  to  deal  with 
these  dual  Japanese-Russian  problems,  but  the 
attitude  of  the  Japanese  toward  Siberia.  To  keep  in 
touch  with  Japanese  opinion  I  followed  closely  the 
editorial  comment  of  the  leading  Tokyo  newspapers 
as  reproduced  in  The  Japan  Advertiser.  One  editorial, 
which  I  considered  a  fair  statement  of  the  attitude  of 
the  majority  of  Japanese,  was  published  in  the  Chugai 
Shogyo.  I  shall  give  it  in  its  entirety  here  because  of 
the  information  it  contains  about  Viscount  Uchida's 
attitude  and  because  it  reflects  the  general  impression 
of  the  East  regarding  the  "success"  of  Allied  interven- 
tion— a  belief  which  was  to  give  way  very  soon  to 
criticism  and  disappointment. 

"The  Allied  Siberian  campaign  has  proved  a  greater 
success  than  was  generally  expected,"  the  editor  of 
Chugai  Shogyo  wrote.  "The  Allied  troops  are  now 
occupying  all  important  points  in  the  regions  which 
have  formerly  been  the  sphere  of  interest  of  the  Bol- 
sheviks and  Austro-Germans.  In  short,  it  is  now  re- 
vealed that  the  world  has  overestimated  the  strength 
and  influence  of  the  Bolsheviks. 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    227 

"In  the  past,  especially  in  an  earlier  part  of  this 
year,  there  were  many  among  the  Allied  diplomats 
and  publicists  who  entertained  a  view  that  the  Bol- 
sheviks under  the  leadership  of  Lenin  and  Trotzky 
were  the  only  political  power  in  Russia  which  had  a 
possibility  to  organize  a  strong  central  government  in 
that  country.  Viscount  Uchida,  present  foreign 
minister,  who  was  then  the  Japanese  Ambassador  to 
Russia,  was  also  one  of  those  who  overestimated  the 
Bolshevik  influence  hi  Russia.  In  an  interview  with 
press  representatives,  which  took  place  at  Harbin 
when  he  was  on  the  way  home  from  Moscow,  the  vis- 
count declared  that  Russia  would  be  controlled  by  the 
Bolsheviks  unless  some  new  political  faction  would 
come  to  existence,  to  displace  the  government  of  Lenin 
and  Trotzky.  He  further  said  that  the  Bolshevik 
influence  was  far  stronger  than  the  German  influence, 
so  that  there  would  be  little  prospect  for  the  German 
aggression  in  Siberia  as  was  feared  by  many  Allied 
politicians.  By  saying  this,  the  viscount  apparently, 
if  not  directly,  opposed  the  scheme  of  an  Allied  ex- 
pedition to  Siberia  then  under  consideration  among 
the  Allied  Powers. 

"The  situation  in  the  last  few  months,  however, 
has  shown  that  the  view  entertained  by  those  diplo- 
mats like  Viscount  Uchida  regarding  the  Bolshevik 
influence  was  entirely  mistaken.  The  Allied  campaign, 
in  spite  of  its  comparatively  small  scale,  was  not  only 
quite  enough  to  drive  out  the  Bolsheviks  in  Siberia, 
but  has  even  caused  the  fall  of  the  Bolshevik  authori- 
ties in  European  Russia. 

"Now  the  general  situation  hi  Siberia  is  still  in  the 


228          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

course  of  settlement,  and  it  is  hard  to  predict  as  to 
which  one  of  the  so-called  'governments'  of  Siberia 
would  become  the  central  Power  to  take  up  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  region.  But  one  thing  is  at  least 
certain,  that  is,  Siberia  in  the  future  will  be  governed 
by  a  government  which  is  extremely  pro-British  or 
pro-American.  Vologodski,  premier  of  the  Omsk  Gov- 
ernment, for  instance,  is  an  extreme  pro-British  poli- 
tician. Admiral  Kolchakov,  minister  of  war  and  navy, 
of  the  same  government,  is  also  known  to  entertain 
friendly  feeling  toward  Great  Britain.  Judging  from 
these  facts,  it  is  easy  to  observe  that  the  British  and 
American  influences  are  speedily  growing  among  the 
Siberians,  and  that  these  two  countries  would  be  able 
to  hold  a  supreme  position  in  the  affairs  of  Siberia 
after  the  war,  both  politically  and  economically. 

"What  will  be,  then,  Japan's  position  in  Siberia 
when  the  war  is  concluded? 

"Undoubtedly,  none  can  deny  that  the  success  of 
the  Allied  campaign  in  Siberia  was  chiefly  due  to  the 
strength  of  the  Japanese  troops.  In  fact,  it  was  Japan 
who  really  saved  the  Siberians  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  Bolsheviks.  But  is  it  possible  for  Japan  to  main- 
tain the  prestige  she  has  obtained  through  her  suc- 
cessful expedition  even  after  the  conclusion  of  war? 
Lamentably  enough,  it  is  doubtful  under  present  cir- 
cumstances. In  a  word,  Japan  needs  a  wise  and  fair 
policy  hi  Siberia  if  she  is  really  desirous  of  maintain- 
ing strong  influence  in  the  region  after  the  war,  and 
it  is  our  hope  that  the  Hara  government  will  exert 
itself  for  the  purpose  by  establishing  a  definite  policy, 
in  accordance  with  which  the  Japanese  Government 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    229 

can  handle  the  affairs  concerning  Siberia  fairly  and 
successfully.  Especially,  we  are  quite  anxious  to  hear 
our  foreign  minister  make  public  his  view  regarding 
the  future  of  Russia.  Certainly  we  suppose  that 
Viscount  Uchida  has  already  realized  the  mistake  he 
has  made  in  his  judgment  concerning  the  Bolsheviks. 
But  we  hope  to  know  as  to  what  is  the  conclusion  he 
has  reached  through  his  knowledge  and  experiences 
concerning  Russia  and  Siberia  in  regard  to  the  policy 
Japan  should  take  toward  Siberia  after  the  war." 

Something  which  was  symbolical  of  the  importance 
which  the  Japanese  Government  attached  to  the  Si- 
berian expedition  was  the  presence  of  a  Japanese  battle- 
ship in  the  centre  of  Vladivostok  bay.  The  ship  com- 
manded the  whole  situation  and  could  be  seen  from 
every  hill  of  the  city.  After  I  reached  Vladivostok 
almost  the  first  information  I  received  from  Russians 
was  that  this  Japanese  war-ship  was  one  of  those  which 
Japan  captured  from  Russia  at  Port  Arthur  in  1904, 
and  they  did  not  like  this  " flaunting"  of  Russia's  de- 
feat in  the  Russo-Japanese  War  at  this  critical  hour 
in  Russia's  history.  The  question  those  Russians 
asked  was: 

"Is  Japan  coming  to  Siberia  as  a  conqueror  of  Rus- 
sia or  as  an  ally?" 

In  that  question  there  was  the  kernel  of  the  whole 
Siberian  situation  as  viewed  by  the  Russians  them- 
selves. 

"If  Japan  has  landed  troops  as  a  conquering  na- 
tion," the  Russians  argued,  "then  the  United  States, 
England,  France,  and  Italy  are  here  with  Japan  to 
exploit  Russia  under  the  guise  of  peaceful  military 


230          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

intervention.  If  Japan  is  our  ally  why  does  she  act 
like  our  owner?" 

The  Russians  did  not  state  their  case  alone  to  an 
arriving  correspondent.  They  had  already  stated  it 
in  much  plainer  words  in  the  Siberian  newspapers, 
and  their  official  representatives  had  called  upon  the 
envoys  and  generals  of  the  Allies  to  question  them. 

After  hearing  so  much  anti-Japanese  gossip,  how- 
ever, I  became  immune  to  it  for  a  while  until  I  had 
made  my  own  investigation,  because  I  learned  that 
the  Russians  were  inclined  to  be  anti-Japanese  to  an 
American,  and  anti-American  to  the  Japanese.  They 
would  remark  to  an  American: 

"We  do  not  like  to  have  the  Japanese  here  but  we 
hope  the  Americans  will  stay,"  and,  a  few  moments 
later  they  would  bow  to  a  Japanese  business  man  and 
tell  him,  the  Americans  are  all  "millioniares"  and 
the  future  of  Siberia  " rests  with  Japan."  And  this 
was  not  confined  to  the  Russian  citizens  but  to  gov- 
ernment officials.  General  Ivanov-Rinov,  former  min- 
ister of  war  hi  the  All-Russian  Government,  com- 
plained to  General  Graves  in  October  about  the  ac- 
tivities of  the  Japanese  soldiers  and  denounced  the 
Island  Nation  in  the  most  hostile  terms.  A  few  days 
later  he  gave  an  interview  to  the  Siberian  newspapers 
in  which  he  praised  Japan  as  the  greatest  of  the  Al- 
lied nations. 

I  did  not  go  to  Siberia  harboring  any  anti-Japanese 
sentiments,  and  I  did  not  become  hostile  toward  these 
energetic  people  of  the  East  during  my  travel  hi  Rus- 
sia or  the  Far  East,  which  included  both  China,  Man- 
churia, and  Korea.  One  does  not  have  to  travel  very 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    231 

long  in  the  Orient  to  learn  that  there  are  two  parties 
in  Japan,  a  "war  party"  and  a  "peace  party."  Ever 
since  the  United  States  has  been  a  belligerent  there 
has  been  a  herculean  contest  between  these  two 
parties  for  control  of  the  government.  Shortly  before 
the  signing  of  the  armistice  hi  France  the  "war  party" 
was  in  control  of  the  Cabinet.  Since  then  the  peace- 
ful statesmen  of  Japan,  backed  by  the  business  in- 
terests of  the  country,  have  been  in  authority.  At 
this  writing  the  "peace  party"  is  still  in  power,  al- 
though the  opposition  is  so  strong  that  it  might  be 
able  to  wreck  the  Kara  government  if  an  internal 
crisis  developed. 

By  a  "war  party"  and  a  "peace  party"  I  mean, 
first,  a  power  within  the  country  supported  by  polit- 
ical interests  which  believes  that  it  should  go  ahead 
with  aggressive  policies  in  Siberia  and  China  contrary 
to  the  policies  and  opinions  of  the  rest  of  the  world, 
and,  secondly,  another  party  which  has  as  its  basic 
principle  the  peaceful  solution  of  Far  Eastern  prob- 
lems through  diplomatic  discussions  and  concerted 
action  of  a  League  of  Nations. 

Before  I  went  into  the  interior  of  Russia  I  heard 
many  American  officers  comment  upon  their  rela- 
tions with  the  Japanese.  With  the  exception  of 
individual  fights  between  Japanese  and  American 
soldiers,  which  were  adjusted  hi  each  instance  that 
I  know  of,  by  the  trial  and  punishment  of  the  guilty 
offenders,  there  was  complete  harmony  between  the 
officers  of  the  two  headquarters'  staffs  and  between 
the  American  and  Japanese  officers  in  the  field.  In 
Khabarovsk  I  asked  an  American  colonel,  who  com- 


232          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

manded  the  United  States  troops  on  the  only  fighting 
expedition  in  which  the  Americans  took  part,  what 
kind  of  orders  the  Japanese  gave. 

"Their  orders  were  as  clear  as  a  bell,"  was  his  im- 
mediate reply.  "Any  officer  who  cannot  understand 
Japanese  army  orders,  when  issued  in  French  as  ours 
were,  knows  nothing  about  military  affairs.  From  the 
time  we  left  Vladivostok  until  we  reached  Khabarovsk 
there  was  not  a  hitch  in  operations  and  not  a  doubt 
in  the  mind  of  any  officer.  Our  orders  were  perfect. 
We  never  had  to  ask  a  question." 

In  Vladivostok  I  had  an  opportunity  of  interview- 
ing General  Otani,  through  his  second  chief  of  staff, 
General  Inagaki,  but  while  the  general  expressed  the 
belief  that  he  was  "sure  the  Japanese- American  rela- 
tions would  always  continue,"  as  they  were  at  that 
time  he  would  not  discuss  policies  beyond  remarking 
that  "military  operations  hi  eastern  Siberia  are  ended, 
but  the  Allies  cannot  leave,  because  as  soon  as  they 
would  depart  the  Bolsheviki  would  return  and  become 
very  disorderly.  Until  Russia  can  organize  a  strong 
army  the  Allies  will  have  to  remain  in  Siberia." 

This  was  the  chief  plank  hi  his  platform  for  the  re- 
organization and  reconstruction  of  Russia.  Without 
an  army  the  general  did  not  believe  it  possible  for  Rus- 
sia again  to  be  a  great  Power.  "And  in  this  work," 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Allies  added:  "I  think 
the  Allies  should  help  the  Russians.  To-day  Russia 
has  not  the  power  to  form  a  militia,  or  army,  and  it 
can  be  accomplished  only  with  Allied  co-operation." 

One  of  my  first  observations  in  travelling  through 
Siberia  was  that  there  were  several  tunes  as  many 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    233 

Japanese  troops  in  Russia  as  those  of  all  the  other  Allies 
combined.  East  of  Lake  Baikal,  Japanese  soldiers  were 
stationed  in  every  village  and  city.  Every  railroad-sta- 
tion from  Vladivostok  to  Tchita  along  both  the  Amur 
and  the  Chinese  Eastern  Railway  line,  flew  the  Japa- 
nese flag.  Every  railroad  bridge  and  nearly  every  pub- 
lic building  was  guarded  by  Japanese. 

The  Japanese  literally  covered  Siberia  with  troops 
and  commercial  agents.  The  latter  leased  every  avail- 
able building  and  bought  up  supplies,  so  that,  in  case 
of  extensive  Allied  operations,  everything  would  be 
under  Japanese  control.  Whenever  the  commanders 
of  the  British,  French,  or  American  armies  would  order 
a  lieutenant  or  captain  to  another  village  or  city,  away 
from  the  base  at  Vladivostok,  on  some  special  work, 
the  Japanese  would  despatch  a  major  to  the  same 
place.  If  an  Allied  general  sent  a  major,  the  Japanese 
staff  sent  a  colonel.  Japan's  object  was  to  maintain 
the  seniority  of  the  Allied  agreement  which  made  the 
Japanese  commanders  of  all  Allied  armies  and  mis- 
sions in  Russia. 

Each  time  the  American,  French,  or  British  com- 
manders moved  a  soldier  or  regiment;  whenever  an 
Allied  soldier  or  officer  landed  in  Siberia,  the  Japanese 
General  Staff  had  to  be  informed,  but  the  Japanese, 
in  turn,  never  informed  any  of  the  Allies  how  many 
soldiers  they  had;  how  many  were  being  brought  into 
Siberia,  nor  where  they  were  being  sent. 

At  first  the  Allies  did  not  protest  nor  question  the 
Japanese  policy.  They  had  agreed  to  work  hi  Siberia 
under  the  supreme  command  of  the  Japanese,  and 
they  continued  to  give  the  Japanese  supreme  command 


234          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

their  respectful  support  until  the  opposition  within 
Siberia  to  the  activities  of  the  Japanese  army  became 
so  great  that,  hi  jv  "tice  to  the  Russians  and  their  own 
countries,  the  Allies  had  to  take  cognizance  of  the 
antics  of  the  Japanese  soldiers  and  of  the  policies  of 
the  Imperial  General  Staff  and  its  political  and  secret 
military  agents. 

Although  under  the  original  agreement  the  number 
of  Japanese  troops  was  limited  to  7,000,  Japan  was 
the  first  nation  to  break  the  agreement.  Instead  of 
sending  that  number,  the  "war  party,"  which  was  in 
power  hi  Tokyo  and  had  its  secret  agents  in  Russia, 
sent  73,400  men. 

When  the  United  States  and  Allied  governments 
learned  this,  they  had  their  suspicions  confirmed  that 
Japan  was  not  "playing  the  game"  according  to  written 
agreement,  and  still  they  made  no  diplomatic  repre- 
sentations. 

Meanwhile  the  Japanese  seized  all  caravan  routes 
and  blockaded  all  ports.  Japanese  gunboats  and  moni- 
tors were  sent  up  all  navigable  streams  and  rivers  into 
the  interior.  No  caravan  could  move  into  or  out  of 
Manchuria,  Mongolia,  or  Siberia  without  passing 
Japanese  guards.  No  railroad  could  be  run  without 
being  under  the  constant  scrutiny  of  the  Japanese. 
No  ship  could  arrive  or  depart  except  under  the  ever- 
present  gaze  of  a  Japanese  naval  officer.  By  October 
Japan  had  Siberia  and  Manchuria  entirely  under  her 
power.  Japan  was  in  a  position  at  any  tune  to  chal- 
lenge Russians  and  Allies  combined,  because  the  mili- 
tary and  naval  strength  of  Japan  was  greater  than 
that  of  all  the  other  Powers  combined. 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    235 

By  the  middle  of  October  this  situation  was  causing 
a  great  deal  of  concern.  The  war  was  at  its  height, 
and  the  Allies  could  not  understand  this  policy  of  Japan, 
especially  hi  view  of  the  constant  reports  that  the  Ger- 
man military  party  and  the  Japanese  military  party 
had  come  to  a  secret  understanding.  There  were  re- 
ports also  that  Japan  and  Germany  had  a  secret  agree- 
ment under  the  terms  of  which  Japan  was  to  be  given 
control  of  Siberia  from  Lake  Baikal  to  the  Pacific. 
This  was  immediately  denied  by  the  Tokyo  govern- 
ment, and  I  do  not  know  of  any  responsible  people  hi 
the  Far  East  who  believe  that  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment ever  listened  seriously  to  the  separate  peace 
proposals  which  were  being  sent  from  Berlin  at  regular 
intervals. 

The  Allies,  however,  could  not  help  but  observe 
that,  even  if  there  were  no  grounds  for  these  reports, 
nevertheless  the  Japanese  army  and  navy  hi  Siberia 
and  its  ports  were  in  a  position  where  they  could  defy 
the  Allies  at  any  time.  Their  hold  was  so  firm  that 
if  the  war  was  compromised  or  if  the  Germans  were 
to  win,  nothing  in  the  world  could  force  Japan  from 
Siberia,  and  that  country  would  become  what  Korea 
is  to-day. 

Still  the  Allies  were  silent.  The  fighting  in  France 
was  attracting  all  of  their  attention  and  demanding 
all  reserves. 

There  were  in  the  Far  East,  however,  some  men 
who  went  there  for  the  purpose  of  helping  Russia. 
These  men,  after  making  thorough  investigations,  re- 
ported to  their  governments  that  the  Russian  rail- 
roads were  hi  a  terrible  state  of  disorder,  and  that 


236          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Russia  could  never  be  helped  militarily  or  economic- 
ally unless  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  was  reorganized 
and  placed  upon  an  efficient  business  basis.  At  this 
time  there  was  present  in  Harbin  and  Vladivostok 
about  200  experienced  American  railroad  men  under 
John  F.  Stevens  and  George  Emerson.  These  men 
had  been  brought  to  Siberia  under  an  original  agree- 
ment with  the  Kerensky  government,  but  they  had 
been  waiting  patiently  nearly  a  year  for  something 
to  do. 

The  Japanese  attitude,  however,  toward  the  Trans- 
Siberian  Railway,  which  differed  from  that  of  the  other 
Allies,  was  reflected  in  an  editorial  in  the  Hochi,  one 
of  the  leading  newspapers  of  Tokyo,  which  commented 
as  follows  on  the  " Future  of  Siberian  Railroads." 

"When  America  sent  Mr.  Root  and  his  mission  to 
Russia,  we  sincerely  hoped  that  the  Japanese  people 
would  realize  the  importance  of  that  mission  and  its 
effects  upon  the  commercial  and  political  situation  in 
Siberia.  But,  strangely  enough,  our  countrymen  over- 
looked the  activities  of  the  American  mission  hi 
Russia,  paying  no  attention  to  the  outcome  of  nego- 
tiations between  the  mission  and  the  Kerensky  gov- 
ernment. Then,  as  the  consequence  of  an  agreement 
concluded  by  the  mission,  an  American  railway  corps 
headed  by  Mr.  Stevens  came  to  Siberia.  Undoubt- 
edly, the  event  was  of  special  importance,  as  it 
was  necessary  for  Japan  to  watch,  as  carefully  as  she 
could,  what  the  railroad  men  from  America  were  going 
to  do.  But  even  then  the  public  in  general  paid  no 
special  attention  to  the  event.  Of  late,  the  question 
relating  to  the  administration  or  management  of  rail- 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    237 

roads  in  Siberia  has  become  one  of  the  most  signif- 
icant current  topics  of  the  Far  Eastern  politics.  It  is 
reported  that  Mr.  Morris,  American  Ambassador  to 
Japan,  is  now  in  the  course  of  an  important  diplomatic 
negotiation  with  the  Tokyo  Foreign  Office,  and  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  the  question  now  pending 
between  Japan  and  America  chiefly  concerns  railroad 
business  in  Siberia.  Foreigners,  especially  Americans, 
are  paying  much  attention  to  the  outcome  of  the  nego- 
tiations, and  what  they  want  to  hear  is  what  the  Japa- 
nese people  are  thinking  about  the  problem.  But, 
strangely  enough,  no  definite  opinion  regarding  Si- 
berian railroads  has  yet  been  expressed  by  men  in  pub- 
lic life  here,  as  if  they  were  entirely  indifferent  to  the 
future  of  their  great  neighbor. 

"  Certainly,  the  question  relating  to  the  manage- 
ment of  railroads  in  Siberia  is  complicated,  but  we 
can  simplify  it  by  separating  the  question  regarding 
the  Chinese  Eastern  Railway  from  that  hi  regard  to 
the  trunk  line  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway.  The 
territory  where  the  Chinese  Eastern  Railway  is  run- 
ning is  not  Siberia  but  China.  Secondly,  the  railway 
is  financed  not  by  Russia  alone,  but  by  France  and 
China  too.  And  lastly,  the  southern  terminal  of  the 
railway  is  directly  connected  with  the  Japanese  rail- 
way. Recently,  a  rumor  was  in  circulation  that  Amer- 
ica has  concluded  a  loan  of  $5,000,000  with  the  officials 
of  the  Chinese  Eastern  Railway,  but  the  rumor  is 
indeed  too  absurd  to  believe,  as  such  things  cannot 
be  realized,  entirely  regardless  of  Japan's  paramount 
interests  in  China,  especially  in  Manchuria. 

"As  to  the  question  relating  to  the  management 


238          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

of  the  trunk  line  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway,  our 
opinion  is  that  the  urgent  question  is  to  make  the  rail- 
way efficacious  for  military  purposes.  We  think  that 
it  is  not  advisable  to  begin  negotiations  as  regards 
the  future  of  the  railway  at  the  present  moment.  It 
is  too  early,  and  it  is  at  the  same  time  doubtful  as  to 
who  can  represent  the  interest  of  the  Russian  people 
in  the  negotiation  with  the  other  Powers. 

"We  are  confident  that  America  would  not  ignore 
the  prestige  and  interests  of  Japan  by  secretly  con- 
cluding agreements  with  the  officials  of  the  Russian 
railways  in  Siberia.  We  are  convinced  that  America 
knows  the  gravity  of  the  problem,  and,  indeed,  it  is 
our  earnest  hope  that  the  governments  of  both  America 
and  Japan  carefully  avoid  any  troubles  which  will 
endanger  the  friendly  intercourse  of  the  two  nations." 

This  editorial,  while  evidently  written  to  influence  the 
negotiators,  was  intended,  nevertheless,  to  strengthen 
the  influence  in  Japan  which  was  working  against 
exclusive  American  control.  Despite  this,  however, 
England,  France,  Italy,  and  later  China,  together  with 
the  new  Russian  Government  which  had  been  formed 
in  Omsk,  gave  the  United  States  power  of  attorney 
to  take  over  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  and  run  it 
for  the  benefit  of  Russia.  These  six  Powers  realized 
that  nothing  of  importance  could  be  accomplished  in 
Siberia  until  the  railroad  was  in  efficient  hands.  When 
Japan  was  asked  whether  she  would  give  her  consent 
she  asked  time  to  consider  the  proposal. 

For  two  months,  September  and  October,  the  ques- 
tion was  debated  in  Tokyo.  The  "war  party"  ob- 
jected to  any  control  which  was  not  Japanese  from  top 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    239 

to  bottom,  and  through  an  "invitation"  from  Ataman 
Semenov,  in  Tchita,  sent  150  railroad  men  to  Siberia. 
This  party  maintained  that  Siberia  was  one  of  Japan's 
spheres  of  influence  and  that  no  other  nation  and  no 
group  of  nations  had  a  right  to  interfere  with  what 
the  Japanese  military  party  was  doing.  Another  group 
of  Japanese  statesmen,  backed  by  all  of  the  Chambers 
of  Commerce  and  big  financial  institutions  of  Japan, 
wanted  to  compromise  with  the  Allies.  But  the  mili- 
tary party  won  its  point,  and  Japan  made  counter 
proposals  which  destroyed  all  possibilities  of  an  Allied 
agreement  regarding  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway. 

For  the  first  time  the  Allies  were  convinced  by  the 
attitude  of  the  Tokyo  government  that  Japan's  policy 
in  Siberia  could  not  be  reconciled  to  the  Allied  policy. 

Meanwhile,  also,  there  were  other  developments 
to  cause  international  apprehension.  Two  Cossack 
atamans,  Generals  Semenov  and  Kalmykoff,  in  Tchita 
and  Khabarovsk  respectively,  were  carrying  on  ob- 
structive work.  They  were  terrorizing  every  Russian 
community  through  which  their  armies  passed.  Under 
the  guise  of  fighting  the  Bolsheviki  they  were  doing 
the  same  things  the  Bolsheviki  were  doing  in  European 
Russia.  They  were  robbing  banks  and  murdering 
peaceful,  respectful  Russian  citizens  with  impunity. 
Although  Russians  themselves,  they  were  terrorizing 
their  own  country.  Their  activities,  however,  came  to 
a  head  when  they  interfered  with  the  rights  of 
foreigners. 

In  Khabarovsk,  Kalmykoff  arrested  three  members 
of  the  Swedish  Red  Cross  on  the  ground  that  they 
were  German  agents.  When  word  reached  Sweden 


240          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

the  Stockholm  government  protested  to  the  Allied 
governments.  The  Allied  consuls  in  Vladivostok  were 
instructed  to  appoint  a  committee  to  investigate  the 
charges  and  the  conditions  of  the  imprisonment  of 
the  three  Swedes.  Before  the  committee  was  organized 
a  report  reached  Vladivostok  from  Khabarovsk  to  the 
effect  that  the  Swedes  had  escaped  from  jail  and  "dis- 
appeared." The  last  word  was  significant.  Whenever 
any  one  "disappears"  in  Siberia,  he  never  reappears. 
Within  a  few  days  came  other  reports  to  the  effect 
that  the  Cossacks  had  murdered  the  Swedes  and 
destroyed  their  bodies. 

It  was  obvious  then  that  the  Allies  had  to  make  an 
investigation,  and  the  committee  was  ordered  to  pro- 
ceed to  Khabarovsk  at  once,  but  it  received  word  from 
the  Japanese  General  Staff  before  leaving  Vladivostok, 
that  an  Allied  investigation  was  not  necessary  because 
the  Japanese  staff  in  Khabarovsk  was  making  a  thor- 
ough investigation.  The  result  was  that  the  Allies 
were  never  permitted  to  investigate,  and  they  never 
received  a  report  from  the  Japanese  investigators. 

At  this  time  a  Japanese  officer,  General  Nakashima, 
was  working  in  Siberia  in  a  secret  capacity  under  orders 
from  the  Japanese  War  Office  in  Tokyo.  He  had  a 
large  secret  fund  at  his  disposal,  and  he  was  known 
to  have  very  close  connections  with  both  Kalmykoff 
and  Semenov  although  he  was  technically  not  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  General  Otani,  the  Allied  supreme 
commander  in  Vladivostok.  The  Allies  soon  obtained 
proof  that  General  Nakashima  was  using  money  hi 
Siberia  in  a  way  which  was  calculated  to  bring  about 
more  disorder  and  confusion. 


o 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    241 

By  November  2,  there  were  so  many  activities  of 
the  Japanese  in  Siberia  which  were  causing  dissension 
and  disunion  that  Secretary  of  State  Lansing,  having 
all  the  data  in  his  possession,  sent  for  Viscount  Ishii, 
the  Japanese  ambassador  hi  Washington.  The  envoy 
came  to  the  State  Department  about  four  o'clock  one 
afternoon,  and  Mr.  Lansing  called  his  attention  to 
various  facts  which  he  had  about  the  obstructive  tac- 
tics of  the  Japanese  military  party  in  Siberia,  pointing 
out  the  violation  of  the  original  agreement  regarding 
the  number  of  troops,  showing  how  the  settlement  of 
the  railroad  problem  was  being  postponed  by  Japan's 
opposition,  and  calling  the  ambassador's  attention  to 
the  work  of  General  Nakashima.  The  secretary  of 
state  pointed  out  the  obvious  outcome  of  the  develop- 
ments in  Siberia  if  the  Japanese  military  party  was 
permitted  by  the  Japanese  Government  to  continue 
its  policies  and  activities  in  Siberia.  Just  what  words 
the  secretary  used  to  impress  Viscount  Ishii  with  the 
seriousness  of  the  situation  I  do  not  know.  One 
version  is  that  he  told  the  Japanese  ambassador  that 
he  hoped  the  work  of  the  military  party  would  not 
cause  a  break  in  the  good  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Japan,  and  another  version  says  that  the 
secretary  pointed  out  how  the  activities  of  the  Jap- 
anese military  party  were  very  similar  to  those  of  the 
German  war  party,  and  that  the  latter  had  already 
led  to  a  war  between  Germany  and  the  United  States. 

Viscount  Ishii  returned  to  the  embassy  in  Washing- 
ton, and  despatched  a  long  code  message  to  Tokyo 
which  arrived  there  on  Sunday  night.  As  is  customary, 
Secretary  Lansing  sent  a  copy  of  his  remarks  to  Am- 


242          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

bassador  Roland  S.  Morris,  in  Tokyo,  for  the  informa- 
tion of  the  ambassador. 

On  Monday  morning  Ambassador  Morris  called 
at  the  Tokyo  Foreign  Office  only  to  be  informed  that 
the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  could  not  see  him  for 
two  or  three  days. 

During  these  critical  days  of  early  November  there 
was  a  political  storm  in  Japan.  Information  as  to  the 
attitude  of  the  United  States  quickly  reached  the  Japa- 
nese statesmen  and  business  men,  through  the  Foreign 
Office.  Word  was  sent,  too,  to  the  Japanese  War  and 
Navy  Departments,  and  a  series  of  conferences  were 
begun  which  were  to  determine  the  future  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Japan.  The  "war 
party"  was  in  favor  of  defying  America.  The  business 
interests  and  peace  statesmen,  who  learned  for  the 
first  time  of  the  activities  of  the  Japanese  army  in 
Siberia,  sided  with  the  United  States.  For  three  days 
the  debate  continued  and  during  this  period  no  one 
knew  whether  war  or  peace  was  ahead. 

But  the  sane  elements  of  Japan  triumphed.  The 
"war  party"  met  its  first  great  defeat  at  the  hands 
of  its  own  people.  The  Japanese  Government  tele- 
graphed new  orders  to  General  Otani  immediately. 
He  was  instructed  to  send  back  to  Japan  35,000  sol- 
diers. A  few  days  later  another  order  was  sent  to  him 
in  Vladivostok  ordering  the  return  of  17,000  men. 
Another  order  still  was  despatched  recalling  General 
Nakashima  to  Tokyo. 

After  most  of  these  troops  had  left  Siberia  General 
Inagaki,  second  chief  of  staff  of  the  Japanese  Gen- 
eral Staff  in  Vladivostok,  a  gentleman  and  a  diplomat 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    243 

who  was  with  General  Otani,  was  not  in  thorough  sym- 
pathy with  the  tactics  of  General  Nakashima,  called 
upon  Major-General  William  S.  Graves,  the  American 
commander,  to  express  the  regrets  of  the  Japanese 
staff  for  past  practices  and  to  state  that  hereafter  Japan 
and  the  United  States  would  work  together  hi  com- 
plete harmony  in  Siberia. 

For  the  present  it  looked  as  if  the  victory  in  Japan 
over  the  "war  party"  was  complete,  but  those  who 
thought  all  difficulties  were  at  an  end  underestimated 
the  influence  of  General  Nakashima.  He  was  the 
chief  politician  of  the  Japanese  military  party.  He 
was  Japan's  "  General  Ludendorff,"  and  when  he  ar- 
rived in  Tokyo  another  political  storm  appeared  which 
resembled  a  typhoon  in  its  suddenness  and  effect.  All 
of  the  anti-American  sentiment  in  Japan  came  to  his 
support.  The  military  and  naval  parties  united,  and 
for  a  time  it  looked  as  if  the  Cabinet  might  fall  be- 
cause of  the  opposition  of  these  two  groups.  In  the 
United  States,  perhaps,  the  extent  of  this  power  is 
not  realized  but  it  can  be  easily  explained. 

According  to  the  Japanese  custom  and  law  no  Cabinet 
can  be  formed  without  a  secretary  of  war  and  a  secre- 
tary of  the  navy,  chosen  from  the  highest  ranking 
officers  in  the  War  and  Navy  Departments.  These 
two  departments,  combined,  lead  the  "war  party." 
They  control  the  secretaries  of  war  and  navy  as  long 
as  they  are  members  of  the  Ministry,  and  they  decide 
whether  a  new  forming  Cabinet  shall  have  their  sup- 
port. Thus,  in  practice,  no  Cabinet  can  be  formed 
and  no  Cabinet  can  live  without  the  support  of  the 
War  and  Navy  Departments  or  the  "war  party." 


244          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

This  club  was  in  the  hands  of  General  Nakashima, 
and  many  well-informed  people  believed  that  he  was 
on  the  point  of  wielding  it  with  great  power  when 
Germany  collapsed  and  the  armistice  was  signed.  The 
fall  of  the  German  military  party  was  something 
which  the  Japanese  military  and  naval  leaders  never 
expected  and  their  power  was  so  great,  their  astonish- 
ment so  complete  that  they  would  not  believe  the  tele- 
graph news  of  Germany's  humiliation.  For  twenty- 
four  hours  they  prohibited  the  Japanese  newspapers 
from  printing  the  terms  of  the  naval  armistice,  and 
withheld  the  details  of  the  land  armistice.  Finally 
when  the  news  despatches  were  confirmed  by  official 
telegrams  they  realized  that,  for  the  time  being,  their 
fight  was  at  an  end  and  the  "peace  party"  in  Tokyo 
could  not  be  overthrown. 

By  the  first  part  of  January,  however,  the  war 
party  again  appeared  on  the  political  horizon,  and 
had  a  sufficient  amount  of  influence  with  the  Tokyo 
Cabinet  still  to  block  the  efforts  of  the  United  States, 
acting  on  behalf  of  all  other  Allies,  to  bring  about  an 
agreement  as  to  the  reorganization  and  operation  of 
the  Trans-Siberian  Railway.  The  Japanese  military 
party  had  been  working  secretly  in  Siberia  despite 
the  events  of  early  November.  Through  financial 
and  moral  support  of  the  Japanese,  General  Semenov 
in  Tchita  was  interfering  with  the  transportation  of 
supplies  to  the  Czecho-Slovak  armies.  Semenov  was 
refusing,  also,  to  recognize  the  Kolchak  dictatorship. 
At  one  time  the  Czecho-Slovaks  were  on  the  point  of 
attacking  Semenov  when  the  Japanese  stopped  their 
military  trains.  Major-General  Gaida  had  already 


JAPANESE  ACTIVITIES  IN  SIBERIA    245 

sent  a  curt  note  to  the  Japanese  commander  in  Tchita, 
asking  what  attitude  Japan  would  take  if  the  Czechs 
were  forced  to  move  against  Semenov. 

In  January  the  State  Department  in  Washington 
was  compelled  again  to  bring  the  issue  of  the  operation 
of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  to  a  decision.  Again 
the  attention  of  the  Japanese  Government  was  called 
to  the  fact  that  a  policy  which  the  Allies  had  agreed 
upon  seven  months  previous  was  still  undeveloped 
because  of  the  opposition  of  Japan's  "war  party." 

At  this  time  every  Chamber  of  Commerce  hi  Japan, 
every  large  importing  and  exporting  house,  every  large 
financial  institution,  and  every  statesman  who  had 
been  working  for  Japanese-American  friendship  united 
in  supporting  that  party  in  Japan  which  sought  a 
solution  for  the  difficult  Russian  railroad  problem  and 
an  agreement  was  reached — the  understanding  which 
was  announced  by  Acting-Secretary  of  State  Polk  in 
Washington.  By  this  agreement  the  Trans-Siberian 
Railway  was  to  be  operated  under  the  direction  of  an 
Allied  board  and  under  the  protection  of  an  Allied 
military  staff.  The  Japanese  "war  party,"  for  the 
present  at  least,  was  impotent. 

Now  that  the  League  of  Nations  is  in  process  of 
formation  another  important  question  develops  with 
regard  to  the  policies  of  the  league  in  Russia,  and 
one  of  the  first  questions  which  may  face  the  league 
may  be  whether  the  Japanese  military  party  is  to  be 
permitted  to  send  these  forces  into  Siberia.  It  will 
be  a  concrete  issue  which  will  test,  almost  immediately 
after  its  formation,  the  power  and  authority  of  the 
league.  Japan  has  been  sharply  divided  by  the  ques- 


246          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

tion  of  a  League  of  Nations.  The  present  Japanese 
Government  supports  it,  but  the  "war  party"  con- 
tinues its  opposition  and  the  influence  of  that  party 
with  the  anti-American  press  of  Japan  is  very  great. 

The  great  peace  leaders  of  Japan,  however,  are  ex- 
pected to  win  out  in  any  fight  which  develops  in  Japan 
in  the  future  with  the  militarists. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  further  detail  about 
Japan's  activities  in  Siberia,  for  in  this  volume  my 
object  is  not  to  discuss  Japanese- American  politics, 
but  to  follow  the  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki.  The  past 
attitude  of  Japan's  military  party  was  one  of  the 
reasons  the  Allies  could  not  agree  upon  policies  in  Si- 
beria and  Russia.  It  was  one  of  the  reasons  for  a  lack 
of  Allied  unity,  and  one  cause  for  the  growth  of  Bol- 
shevism and  the  resumption  of  the  trail  of  the  Reds 
across  Siberia.  Happily  at  the  Paris  Conference  many 
of  the  disturbing  questions  of  Siberia  and  the  East 
have  been  discussed,  and  the  "war  party"  of  Japan  is 
expected  to  disappear  with  the  jingo  parties  of  the 
other  Powers. 


CHAPTER  XII 
BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA 

BEFORE  the  revolution  of  March,  1917,  most  of  the 
ties  which  bound  the  United  States  to  Russia  stretched 
across  the  Atlantic.  Before  the  war  our  interests  in 
Russia  were  centred  hi  Petrograd  and  Moscow.  Si- 
beria was  a  name  but  not  a  nation  in  reality. 

To-day,  while  we  still  have  a  news  interest,  a  polit- 
ical interest,  and,  to  a  limited  degree,  financial  interests 
in  European  Russia,  there  are  shuttles  busy  on  the 
Pacific  stitching  our  western  seaboard  to  the  coast  of 
the  extreme  Northwest.  New  ties  bind  us  to  Russia 
via  the  West.  Sailing  from  San  Francisco  and  Seattle, 
Portland  and  Vancouver  to-day  are  government  trans- 
ports and  privately  owned  freighters  and  steamers 
bound  for  the  beautiful,  deep-water  harbor  of  Vladi- 
vostok and  Golden  Horn  Bay.  Within  a  fortnight, 
three  weeks,  or  a  month,  depending  upon  the  speed 
of  the  vessels,  they  will  be  tied  up  to  the  docks  of  Si- 
beria. As  they  swim  across  the  arc  of  the  Pacific  they 
pass  other  ships  bound  for  the  United  States  and 
Canada;  ships  which  a  short  while  before  left  the  rocky 
cliffs  of  Russia  for  the  Sea  of  Japan  and  the  Pacific. 
These  ships  are  weaving  a  net  of  trade  routes  between 
western  America  and  eastern  Russia,  a  net  of  trade 
which  is  the  garment  of  progress.  They  span  the 
Pacific  from  the  Golden  Gate  to  the  Golden  Horn. 

247 


248          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

Sailing  from  San  Francisco  for  Siberia  I  was  im- 
pressed, as  many  Americans  are,  by  the  distance  be- 
tween the  two  continents,  but  as  I  returned  to  Seattle, 
believing  that  I  had  left  the  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki  in 
Russia,  I  crossed  it  again  in  that  seaport  city  of  Wash- 
ington, and  I  realized  that  Bolshevism  had  crossed 
the  Pacific  and  that  the  distance  of  space  and  time 
were  no  longer  barriers  to  the  radicalism  of  the  East. 
Russia  and  Bolshevism  were  not  as  far  from  the  United 
States  as  I  had  imagined.  Bolshevism  had  spread  to 
Seattle,  via  Siberia,  as  it  had  crossed  European 
Russia  to  Austria,  Rumania,  Germany,  Bavaria, 
France,  England,  and  Italy.  Siberia,  the  land  of  "Nit- 
chevo,"  which  was  a  vision  before  I  went  there,  was  a 
reality  when  I  returned,  a  real  country,  inhabited  by 
real  people  with  desperately  real  problems  and  pos- 
sibilities. Bolshevism  which  seemed  to  be  an  Eastern 
menace  only  last  year,  now  threatened  America  and 
the  world. 

With  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  instead  of  col- 
lapsing with  the  Central  Powers,  as  was  expected,  and 
as  might  have  happened,  had  their  been  action,  instead 
of  Allied  indecision  in  Siberia,  Bolshevism  spread 
throughout  the  universe  so  that  its  trail  glistened  over 
the  face  of  the  globe  like  the  tracks  of  the  silkworm. 
Beginning  in  Minsk,  Russia,  at  a  conference  in  1898, 
the  trail  extended  over  plains  and  mountains  from 
Russia  to  Scandinavia  and  Europe;  from  Siberia  to 
the  United  States  and  Canada. 

Bolshevism  is  spreading  to-day  because  it  is  a  revo- 
lutionary movement  similar  to  a  world  storm,  which 
gains  strength  and  volume  as  it  travels;  which  de- 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA    249 

stroys  as  it  goes  and  which  leaves  unstable  social,  in- 
dustrial, and  political  conditions  in  its  wake. 

Why  does  this  revolution  succeed? 

Why  are  efforts  made  to  have  the  League  of  Na- 
tions recognize  the  Bolshevist  regime  in  Russia? 

What  is  the  secret  of  Bolshevism  which  makes  it 
succeed  where  other  policies  and  governments  fail? 

If  Bolshevism  follows  the  failure  of  other  policies, 
what  will  follow  Bolshevism? 

One  is  disturbed  by  these  questions  in  Russia.  When 
I  arrived  in  Vladivostok  in  the  late  summer  of  1918, 
I  found  the  sentiment  almost  unanimous  against  the 
Bolsheviki.  The  Allies,  the  Czechs,  and  the  Russians 
neither  sympathized  with  nor  approved  of  the  Bol- 
shevist platform.  Still,  after  they  had  been  there  a 
few  months,  after  they  had  seen  the  difficulties  before 
the  reconstruction  o^  Russia,  after  they  had  seen  the 
limits  of  their  own  ability,  they  had  tempered  their 
judgment  of  the  Bolsheviki,  and  by  the  beginning  of 
1919,  most  of  the  Allied  soldiers  wished  to  leave  Rus- 
sia. The  sentiment  among  the  Allied  officials  was 
still  divided,  but  the  feeling  was  growing  that  the  Allies 
would  ultimately  have  to  withdraw  and  let  Russia 
work  out  her  own  reconstruction  problems  without 
either  the  assistance  or  the  handicap  of  foreign  bel- 
ligerent forces. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  the  reasons  for  this 
change  of  sentiment.  It  may  be  illustrated  by  an 
incident  which  happened  to  me  in  Khabarovsk.  I 
was  riding  hi  a  droshky  from  the  station  through  the 
village  to  the  headquarters  of  the  American  regiment 
under  command  of  Colonel  Styer.  The  old  man  who 


250          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

was  driving  the  carriage  was  an  ex-soldier.  His  home 
had  been  hi  European  Russia,  but  after  the  revolution 
when  he  left  the  army  he  returned  to  his  home,  and 
finding  a  great  deal  of  unemployment,  he  decided  to 
venture  into  Siberia.  I  asked  him,  as  I  asked  a  number 
of  droshky  drivers,  why  he  did  not  join  the  Russian 
army  to  fight  the  Bolsheviki. 

"Nitchevo,"  he  said.  He  did  not  wish  to  worry 
abojut  fighting  any  more  when  he  could  earn  a  living 
with  his  Siberian  pony  and  Odessa  carriage. 

"Well,  how  did  you  like  it  here  when  the  Bolsheviki 
were  in  power?"  I  asked  him. 

"Not  so  bad,"  he  answered. 

"You  know  the  Bolsheviki  made  a  droshky  driver 
one  of  the  commissars!" 

The  confession  of  this  poor  workman  shed  an  in- 
teresting and  true  light  upon  one  of  the  chief  reasons 
for  the  success  of  Bolshevism  in  Russia.  The  Bol- 
sheviki made  the  common  people  government  officials, 
gave  them  part  of  the  responsibility  of  administra- 
tion— a  voice  in  the  affairs  of  the  government. 

Russia,  for  centuries,  has  been  not  only  an  oppressed 
nation,  but  a  country  where  none  of  the  poor  or 
middle-class  and  even  thousands  of  educated  citizens 
had  anything  to  do  with  the  government  itself.  The 
idea  of  the  Russian  state  before  the  revolution  was 
that  the  mass  of  humanity  was  made  to  be  ruled 
by  a  small  class.  Following  the  revolution,  the  idea 
of  democracy  appeared,  and  the  situation  was  changed. 
There  was  a  feeling  that  the  mass  should  rule  itself 
and  determine  its  own  government  by  election.  But 
the  radical  change  from  an  autocracy  to  a  democ- 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA     251 

racy  brings  with  it  tremendous  handicaps  because 
success  in  government  is  essentially  a  matter  of  pre- 
cedent, and  there  were  no  precedents  to  guide  the 
new  democracy  of  Russia.  So  the  provisional  gov- 
ernments failed,  and  the  Bolsheviki  came  into  power 
with  their  platform  that  society  as  it  had  existed  was 
founded  upon  the  wrong  basis,  and  that  the  future 
could  only  be  made  secure  if  the  past  were  forgotten 
and  the  present  destroyed.  The  Bolsheviki  carried 
the  nation  from  one  extreme  to  another,  instead  of 
arguing  that  the  mass  was  created  to  be  led  by  a  class 
which  it  maintained  by  its  work,  the  Bolsheviki  said 
that  the  mass  was  created  to  work  for  itself  and  to 
maintain  only  its  own  leaders  in  power  by  military 
force.  What  the  old  Russian  of  Khabarovsk  meant 
when  he  said  that  -he  approved  of  Bolshevism,  was 
not  that  he  approved  the  doctrine  of  Bolshevism  but 
he  approved  of  the  democracy  of  government,  which 
enables  the  simple,  uneducated,  inexperienced  car- 
riage-driver to  have  a  part  in  the  government. 

One  can  understand  how  Bolshevism  might  readily 
succeed  in  autocratic  countries,  but  why  Bolshevism 
should  develop  and  increase  in  countries  where  there 
are  parliamentary  and  representative  governments  is 
more  difficult  to  explain.  We  find  Bolshevism  growing 
in  the  United  States,  and  we  imagine  that  it  is  due  to 
the  propaganda  of  the  Soviet  representatives  in  this 
country.  But  what  we  have  in  the  United  States  is 
not  a  party  which  believes  in  the  Bolshevism  of  Rus- 
sia, but  a  class  of  working  people  and  factory  directors, 
school-teachers  and  college  professors  who  are  dis- 
satisfied with  the  present  government,  and  disap- 


252          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

pointed  because  of  the  imperfections  of  the  democracy, 
the  slow  methods  of  change,  and  a  system  of  party 
"bosses"  who  control  the  government  for  business 
interests. 

The  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki  in  the  United  States  goes 
through  our  factories  and  our  schools.  It  is  some- 
thing of  a  fad.  Any  one  who  says  anything  against 
the  existing  order  is  called  a  Bolshevik.  Those  who 
talk  of  great  industrial  changes  are  placed  in  the  same 
class.  In  a  drug-store  in  New  York  I  heard  the  pro- 
prietor shout  to  the  boy  behind  the  soda-water  counter, 
"You  are  a  Bolshevik"  because  the  boy  had  burned 
the  bottom  out  of  the  hot  chocolate  cooking  utensil, 
because  he  had  failed  to  fill  it  up  the  night  before  with 
water,  and  turn  out  the  gas. 

In  a  professional  office  in  New  York  in  March,  two 
employees  who  had  been  with  the  concern  over  ten 
years  asked  for  a  conference  with  the  president.  One 
of  the  men  was  earning  a  salary  of  $14,000  and  the 
other  had  an  income  of  $20,000,  annually,  out  of  this 
business.  They  informed  the  head  of  the  concern 
they  believed  his  business  was  run  on  the  wrong  prin- 
ciple, and  that  the  250  employees  had  decided  that 
the  business  really  belonged  to  them,  because  they 
had  been  the  ones  to  build  it  up,  and  that  they  thought 
the  business  should  be  reorganized  and  run  by  a  com- 
mittee appointed  by  the  employees.  The  president 
was  informed  that  he  would  be  considered  one  of  the 
employees,  and  that  he  would  have  a  voice  with  the 
others  in  the  management  of  the  business ! 

One  can  easily  imagine  the  astonishment  of  a  suc- 
cessful business  man  when  he  was  confronted  by  such 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA     253 

a  statement  from  two  of  his  oldest  and  most  successful 
employees.  He  asked  them  whether  they  felt  that 
they  ought  to  have  an  increase  in  salary,  but  neither 
of  them  desired  an  increase.  He  asked  them  what 
had  given  them  the  idea  that  they  had  a  right  to  ask 
for  the  business,  and  they  said  that  they  had  just  been 
discussing  the  matter  with  the  other  employees  and 
they  felt  that  in  the  reorganization  of  industry  in  the 
United  States  all  businesses  should  be  turned  over  to 
those  who  work  and  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  old 
directors. 

The  proprietor  of  this  business  house  waited  several 
weeks  to  watch  the  developments  and  discuss  the 
matter  with  his  employees  because  he  was  anxious  to 
know  what  was  responsible  for  this  radical  suggestion. 
Finally  in  conference  with  his  general  manager  he 
learned  that  the  employees  knew  that  he  was  carry- 
ing a  balance  of  one  quarter  of  a  million  dollars  in  the 
bank,  without  interest.  They  knew  that  this  money 
had  been  earned  by  the  corporation,  and  they  felt 
that  if  this  money  was  not  needed  by  the  directors 
and  not  needed  to  run  the  business,  because  money 
could  always  be  borrowed  from  the  banks  to  conduct 
the  business,  that  the  surplus  ought  to  be  divided 
among  the  employees ! 

In  Cleveland,  the  board  of  directors  of  a  large  manu- 
facturing institution  held  a  meeting  to  decide  about 
the  disposition  of  a  surplus  fund  which  they  were  carry- 
ing. The  directors  had  practically  agreed  upon  the 
voting  of  an  extra  dividend,  when  the  general  manager 
of  the  business,  who  is  also  a  director,  arose  and  in- 
formed the  directors  that  it  would  be  impossible  for 


254          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

them  to  dispose  of  this  fund  in  the  manner  contem- 
plated. 

"I  have  been  the  general  manager  of  this  business, 
and  you  gentlemen  have  relied  upon  me  to  keep  labor 
in  line,"  he  said,  in  substance,  to  his  fellow  directors. 

"I  have  been  able  to  do  this  only  by  explaining  to 
the  workers  your  balance-sheet — by  showing  them 
that  the  profits  of  this  business  have  been  divided 
equally  between  employees  and  employers.  The  em- 
ployees know  by  your  balance-sheet  that  you  have 
this  surplus  on  hand,  and  they  are  watching  to  see 
what  disposition  you  will  make  of  it. 

"If  this  surplus  is  divided,  gentlemen,  it  will  have 
to  be  on  a  fifty-fifty  basis,  one-half  to  labor  and  one- 
half  to  capital." 

These  two  incidents  of  what  we  look  upon  as  Bol- 
shevism in  the  United  States,  I  encountered  trailing 
the  Bolsheviki  upon  my  return  from  Siberia. 

After  I  had  travelled  from  Seattle  to  New  York  and 
from  the  Atlantic  coast  west  again  to  Philadelphia, 
Pittsburgh,  Cleveland,  Indianapolis,  St.  Louis,  Chicago, 
Des  Moines,  and  Kansas  City,  I  learned  that  there 
was  a  definite  revolutionary  organization  at  work  in 
the  great  industrial  centres  striving  to  bring  about 
national  strikes,  set  at  present  for  July  fourth  and  No- 
vember first  as  demonstrations  for  Debs  and  Mooney. 
I  learned  that  "masked  balls"  were  being  organized 
among  the  working  people,  and  that  after  the  dancing 
and  celebrating  an  agitator  spoke  of  the  plans  for  a 
national  strike.  By  May,  I  was  reliably  informed, 
four  million  letters  had  been  sent  to  workers  by  this 
strike  organization. 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA     255 

In  Switzerland  I  found  similar  tracks.  Switzerland 
is  an  industrial  country.  The  life  of  Switzerland  is  in 
her  industries.  Business  is  the  power  which  drives 
the  nation  ahead,  and  still  there  is  the  trail  of  Bol- 
shevism hi  that  country  despite  its  democratic  form 
of  government  and  despite  the  fact  that  Switzerland 
is  the  k  oldest  republic  in  the  world.  The  employees 
of  the  big  factories  have  been  in  communication  with 
the  Russian  revolutionists  hi  Switzerland,  and  there 
is  a  strong  anticapitalistic  sentiment  growing  in  that 
country.  Bolshevism  in  Switzerland  is  not  caused 
by  a  lack  of  food,  nor  by  a  lack  of  work  nor  because 
of  a  scarcity  of  the  comforts  of  life.  Food  and  cloth- 
ing, all  kinds  of  household  articles  and  supplies,  are 
obtainable  in  Switzerland,  but  prices  are  extremely 
high,  as  they  are  all  over  Europe.  So  we  cannot  look 
for  the  causes  of  Bolshevism  hi  this  little  republic  as 
being  due  to  chaotic  conditions  or  an  imperialistic 
form  of  government.  The  explanation  can  be  found 
elsewhere,  and  it  is  hi  the  simple  belief  of  the  working 
people  that  the  factories  and  industries  belong  to  them, 
just  as  the  government  belongs  to  them.  Essentially 
it  is  a  Socialistic  movement,  just  as  Bolshevism  orig- 
inally sprang  from  the  Socialist  platform  of  Karl 
Marx.  But  the  new  Socialists  contend  that  they  can 
only  be  successful  in  then*  industrial  revolution  by 
completely  overturning  society  and  business  and  gov- 
ernment— by  destroying  the  world  in  order  to  rebuild 
it. 

In  England,  what  is  spoken  of  as  Bolshevism,  is 
essentially  not  Bolshevism  at  all,  but  a  demand  of  the 
working  people  for  a  greater  share  in  the  profits  of 


256          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

industry  and  for  greater  responsibility  in  the  manage- 
ment of  business. 

Thus,  Bolshevism  as  a  world  doctrine  is  assuming 
a  different  form  all  over  the  world,  but  the  trail  which 
it  makes  is  everywhere  the  same,  the  trail  of  revolu- 
tion. That  there  must  be  and  will  be  a  great  change 
in  industry  and  business,  in  government  and  society 
during  the  next  decade  is  obvious:  the  change  is 
inevitable.  But  the  growth  of  Bolshevism  outside  of 
Russia  and  possibly  central  Europe  is  artificial.  Those 
who  talk  Bolshevism  in  this  country,  or  in  England, 
or  in  Switzerland  merely  use  the  Russian  word  to  de- 
fine this  extensive  public  demand  for  changed  con- 
ditions. The  solution  of  these  industrial  problems,  as 
a  solution  of  international  political  dispute,  cannot 
be  forecast.  Only  the  tendency  of  the  times  may  be 
indicated,  and  the  one  factor  which  appears  at  the 
bottom  of  nearly  every  political  and  industrial  dis- 
pute is  secrecy.  Where  there  has  been  secret  diplo- 
macy practised  by  the  world  governments,  there  has 
been  suspicion  among  the  people  and  foreign  Powers. 
In  a  sense,  a  similar  secrecy  has  been  practised  in  our 
industries,  and  we  are  only  now  beginning  to  notice 
the  decided  reaction. 

Secrecy  is  one  of  the  fascinating  facts  of  life.  Russia 
has  been  fed  on  secrecy  for  so  many  decades  that  the 
temperment  of  the  people  has  been  affected  to  a  serious 
extent.  Even  before  the  war,  there  was  a  press  censor- 
ship in  Russia,  and  during  the  war  this  censorship 
was  extended  to  such  ridiculous  proportions  that  the 
mass  of  people  relied  upon  rumor  for  information  about 
the  war,  conditions  in  the  country,  and  the  policies  of 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA    257 

the  government  more  than  upon  the  statements  hi 
the  newspapers  or  the  official  announcements.  All 
information  travelled  by  rumor,  and  the  result  was 
that  there  was  suspicion  of  government  authorities 
everywhere  and  a  lack  of  confidence  in  anything  the 
government  stated.  This  was  one  of  the  greatest  fac- 
tors in  the  revolution.  The  censorship  which  was 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  information  from 
the  enemy  and  of  sustaining  the  morale  of  the  people 
became  a  sort  of  cloak  under  which  the  Bolshevist 
agitation  developed  and  spread.  Wherever  there  is 
secrecy,  in  government  or  business,  the  result  is  the 
same. 

In  the  industrial  centres  of  such  representative  gov- 
ernments as  the  American,  the  British,  and  the  Swiss, 
Bolshevism  as  an  industrial  doctrine  has  been  spread- 
ing because  of  the  censorship  of  the  directors  of  our 
industries,  which  they  have  maintained  by  withholding 
information  from  the  employees  about  the  factory 
itself.  The  employee  has  been  considered,  too  often, 
simply  as  a  tool  to  be  used  so  many  hours  a  day  and 
paid  for  the  day's  work.  But  employees  are  human 
and  they  have  naturally  had  an  interest  in  the  business 
itself,  even  if  that  interest  has  been  the  interest  of  an 
employee  who  was  wondering  how  much  the  directors 
were  making  out  of  his  labor.  This  secrecy  has  bred 
suspicion  and  nourished  radicalism. 

John  Galsworthy  declared  in  New  York  that  "un- 
derstanding is  one  of  the  greatest  things  in  life," 
and  designated  the  chief  qualities  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  peoples  as  " energy  and  common  sense."  Un- 
derstanding is  what  the  world  is  coming  to,  because 


258          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

of  the  universal  feeling  of  its  need.  A  League  of  Na- 
tions is  only  the  name  for  an  organization  to  bring 
about  an  understanding  between  world  governments. 
Bolshevism  is  only  a  Russian  name  for  a  revolutionary 
movement  to  bring  about  an  understanding  among 
the  proletariat. 

The  world  movement  which  is  discernible  in  every 
country  is  basically  an  expression  of  human  sentiment 
seeking  understanding.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
open  diplomacy  will  solve  many  international  disputes, 
but  it  will  be  decades  before  anything  like  open  diplo- 
macy may  be  practised  because  suspicion  is  not  national 
but  personal,  and  wherever  there  are  suspicious  officials 
there  will  be  suspicious  governments.  The  only  way 
such  a  situation  can  be  effected  is  through  public 
opinion.  The  inclination  of  statesmen  is  the  same 
as  that  of  industrial  leaders  who  are  looking  forward 
to  the  time  when  free  diplomacy  may  be  not  only  prac- 
tised in  foreign  politics  but  applied  to  industry.  The 
quintessence  of  world-wide  revolutionary  movement 
is  mutual  understanding. 

That  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki  which  I  have  crossed 
and  recrossed  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  United  States,  is 
not  only  a  trail  of  discontent  but  the  track  of  expec- 
tancy. To  swing  from  autocracy  to  Bolshevism  is  to 
go  from  one  extreme  to  the  opposite,  and  neither  of 
them  are  related  at  all  to  the  normal.  The  senseless 
demands  of  the  radicals  find  no  support  among  the 
great  mass  of  people  in  any  country  where  the  facts 
can  be  shown.  Facts  are  the  deadliest  arguments 
against  reaction  and  revolution,  but  the  Bolshevists 
are  masters  at  propaganda  because  in  Russia,  for  in- 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA    259 

stance,  their  campaign  has  been  conducted  for  twenty- 
one  years  entirely  by  propaganda.  The  success  of 
Bolshevism  is  closely  related  to  the  propaganda  ap- 
peals which  they  distribute  throughout  the  country. 
In  Russia  I  found  a  copy  of  an  appeal  addressed  to 
Hungarian  prisoners  by  the  Magyar  section  of  the 
Russian  Communalistic  party.  This  document  will 
show  something  of  the  propaganda  methods  of  the 
Bolsheviki,  and  in  every  line  one  can  discern  not  the 
statement  of  facts  but  of  opinions. 

A  translation  of  this  "  Appeal  to  Hungarian  Prisoners 
to  take  Arms,"  reads: 

"Comrades!  An  enormous  danger  is  approaching 
us.  The  Czech  formations  which  were  bought  by  the 
Tzar,  and  afterward  by  the  government  of  Kerensky, 
have  sold  themselves  to  the  counter-revolutionary 
Russian  bourgeoisie.  Under  the  pretense  of  being 
despatched  to  the  French  front,  they  are  travelling  to 
the  heart  of  Siberia,  to  the  grain-producing  regions. 
When  they  saw  they  were  many,  they  treacherously 
fell  upon  the  Soviet  authority  and  introduced  in  Chel- 
iabinsk  a  regime  of  terror.  They  shot  and  robbed 
the  town,  and  the  Soviet  who  attacked  unexpectedly, 
were  not  in  a  position  to  resist.  Seizing  the  power, 
they  began  a  bloody  reckoning  with  the  prisoners. 
If  some  Magyar  or  German  prisoners  of  war  fell  into 
their  hands,  not  one  was  left  alive.  They  murdered 
mercilessly  under  the  influence  of  national  hatred. 
This  corrupted  miserable  band  sprang  from  Chel- 
iabinsk  to  Omsk.  The  Omsk-Soviet  of  workmens' 
and  soldiers'  deputies  took  steps  to  prevent  this  dan- 


260          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

gerous  company  from  reaching  here.  To  meet  them 
was  sent  out  a  delegation  for  negotiation  accompanied 
by  two  hundred  Red  Guards.  According  to  the  order 
of  the  commissary  for  foreign  affairs,  they  were  told 
to  lay  down  their  arms.  The  rascals  did  not  submit 
to  the  order,  and  began  to  fire  at  the  Red  Guards.  A 
fight- ensued  Comrades  Rakop  and  Babka  were  taken 
prisoner  and  slaughtered  without  mercy.  In  every 
place  hitherto  occupied  by  them,  they  have  opened 
fire  on  the  German-Magyar  prisoners  and  slaughtered 
mercilessly  whoever  fell  into  their  hands.  Savage 
national  hatred  has  transformed  them  into  mad  ani- 
mals, and  now  they  wish  to  take  into  their  hands  our 
fate. 

"Comrades!  It  must  not  be  permitted  that  we  sit 
idly  like  dolls  while  this  band  fastens  itself  on  our  necks. 
The  Soviet  has  decided  to  defend  itself.  The  Omsk 
proletariat  is  fighting  against  the  Czech  formations 
at  Marianofka.  But  the  Soviet  forces  are  insufficient. 
Every  moment  threatens  danger,  and  therefore  we 
must  prepare  for  defense  in  the  widest  measure.  Be- 
fore us  stands  open  the  question:  To  exist  or  not  to 
exist.  The  Soviet  has  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the 
central  organization  1,000  rifles.  These  thousand 
rifles  we  must  use  if  we  wish  to  guard  ourselves  and 
the  Russian  revolution,  which  is  our  ally  and  the  basis 
of  our  future  revolution. 

"  Comrades !  The  leaders  of  the  country  call  to  arms. 
Every  organized  workman  must  take  arms.  As  soon 
as  we  shatter  the  formations,  peaceful  relations  will 
again  ensue  and  we  will  lay  down  our  arms,  but  until 
then  we  must  hold  them  in  our  hands. 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA     261 

"Comrades!     The  innocent  blood  of  our  brothers 
must  be  avenged.    Our  lives  and  the  salvation  of  future 
proletarianism  demands  that  we  honorably  take  our 
place  in  the  fight  of  the  Omsk  proletariat. 
"Each  foreign  organized  proletarian  to  armsP 
"Long  live  the  world  revolution  begun  by  the  Rus- 
sian proletariat ! 

"Away  with  the  corrupted  troops  falling  upon  us! 
"Long  live  the  victorious  proletariat  dictaturel 
"Long  live  the  arrned  foreign  proletariat! 

'THE  MAGYAK  SECTION  OF  THE  RUSSIA 
COMMUNALISTrC  PARTY." 

In  Canada  and  the  United  States  the  Bolshevist 
propaganda  spreads  like  proverbial  wild  fire.  The 
head  of  the  Canadian  Department  of  Public  Safety 
stated  in  February  that  there  was  a  large  Bolshevist 
element  in  that  country,  which  if  not  dealt  with 
promptly  "will  almost  of  a  certainty  lead  to  trouble 
which  may  assume  most  serious  proportions  and  con- 
sequences." When  I  arrived  in  Seattle  a  revolutionary 
strike  had  been  declared  there  by  strikers  who  were 
only  prevented  from  taking  over  the  city  government 
by  the  sanity  of  union  labor  and  the  courage  of  the 
mayor.  The  Department  of  Labor  in  Washington 
estimates  that  there  are  6,000  Bolshevist  agitators  in 
the  United  States,  and  the  American  Government  per- 
mits official  representatives  of  the  Bolsheviki  to  open 
offices  in  New  York  although  neither  Lenin  nor  Trotsky 
will  permit  any  American  officials  in  Petrograd  or 
Moscow. 

In  April  the  American  public  was  astonished  by 


262 

reports  of  the  mutiny  of  United  States  troops  in  the 
Archangel  district  of  northern  Russia,  and  the  War  De- 
partment, confirming  press  despatches,  gave  out  copies 
of  propaganda  documents  appealing  to  class  hatred  of 
Allied  troops. 

One  appeal  was  addressed  directly  to  the  British 
soldiers  sent  against  the  Russian  Reds.  It  was  of- 
ficially issued  by  the  "  Russian  Socialist  Soviet  Repub- 
lic," and  was  signed  by  "Lenin,  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil, People's  Commissary",  and  "Tchitcherin,  People's 
Commissary  of  Foreign  Affairs."  This  appeal  said: 

'Fellow  Worker:  Do  you  thoroughly  realize  what 
you  are  doing  when  you  advance  against  us? 

'You  have  not  come  here  to  fight  for  liberty.  You 
have  come  here  to  crush  it.  You  have  not  come  here 
to  establish  the  rule  of  the  people.  You  have  come 
here  to  overthrow  it. 

"You  know  that  Russia  was,  up  till  last  year,  ruled 
by  the  most  brutal,  tyrannical  and  corrupt  autocracy 
known  to  history.  You  have  known  of  the  terrible 
struggle  we  have  had  against  our  tyrants;  of  the  im- 
prisonments, of  the  hangings,  of  the  deportations  to 
the  mines  of  Siberia. 

"You,  British  fellow  workers,  sympathized  with  us 
then,  and  often  helped  us. 

"Did  you  not  rejoice  when  we  overthrew  Tzarism? 
You  did.  Yet  you  have  come  here  to  restore  it. 

"It  is  the  intention  of  the  Tzarist  officers  who  are 
attached  to  your  General  Staff.  When  you  obey  their 
orders  you  are  carrying  out  their  object.  They  are 
not  democrats.  They  are  militarists  and  monarchists. 
They  have  a  supreme  contempt  for  the  people,  and 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA    263 

they  believe  that  they  alone  have  the  right  to  rule. 
They  hate  our  revolution  and  want  to  crush  it. 

"English  fellow  workers,  don't  do  it!" 

A  second  poster  signed  by  the  same  officials  gave 
these  reasons  which  they  said  the  Allies  had  advanced 
for  having  sent  troops  to  Russia: 

"That  they  have  come  to  stamp  out  anarchy  and 
restore  order. 

"That  they  have  come  to  help  the  Russian  peo- 
ple. 

"That  the  Allied  invasion  of  Russia  is  welcomed  by 
the  Russian  people." 

These  declarations  are  printed  in  large  type,  each 
followed  by  the  words  "It  is  Not  True." 

The  British  and  French  Governments  are  said  to 
be  "responsible  for  what  disorder  there  is  in  Russia. 
Your  government  does  not  want  to  help  the  Russian 
people.  It  is  helping  to  fasten  the  yoke  of  capitalism 
and  Tzarism  on  them  again." 

Nothing  is  said  regarding  the  assassination  of  Tzar 
Nicholas  and  his  family  which  the  Bolsheviki  officially 
announced. 

"Do  not  put  your  trust  in  this  reactionary  gang," 
continues  the  second  poster.  "Do  not  permit  your- 
selves to  be  used  as  tools  of  the  enemies  of  liberty. 
Fellow  workers,  be  loyal  to  your  class  and  refuse  to 
do  the  dirty  work  of  your  masters. 

"Fellow  workers,  here  is  positive  evidence  of  the 
real  purpose  for  which  you  were  brought  to  Russia. 
Be  honorable  men  I  Remain  loyal  to  your  class  and 
refuse  to  be  accomplices  of  a  great  crime." 

And  Company  I,  339th  Infantry  U.  S.  A.,  refused 


264  TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

to  go  to  the  Bolshevist  front  in  Russia  as  the  Czecho- 
slovaks refused  six  months  earlier  in  Siberia ! 

In  following  the  trail  of  the  Bolsheviki  I  have 
found  the  propagandist  always  in  the  vanguard  with 
his  appeal  to  class  hatred.  Bolshevism,  he  states,  is 
the  rule  of  the  proletariat,  and  the  proletariat  he 
recognizes,  is  only  one  class  of  working  people,  but 
there  is  something  besides  this  propaganda  of  class 
strife  which  causes  Bolshevism  to  spread;  there  is 
something  more  fundamental  than  the  failure  of  gov- 
ernments and  the  directing  forces  of  industries.  The 
basis  upon  which  Bolshevism  makes  its  appeal  to  work- 
ing people  in  such  countries  as  England,  France,  and 
the  United  States,  Canada  and  Australia,  if  not  in 
Italy  and  Germany  since  the  overthrow  of  the  Kaiser, 
is  the  Bolshevist  claim  to  the  slogan  "an  industrial 
democracy."  That  is  the  bottom  rock  upon  which 
Bolshevism,  as  a  political  and  industrial  programme, 
bases  its  success  in  democratic  foreign  countries.  And, 
"an  industrial  democracy"  to  the  Bolshevists  means 
the  destruction  by  revolution  of  all  classes  excepting 
the  labor  element  of  society  and  the  creation  of  an 
industrial  state  where  everything  is  taken  over  by 
the  Soviet. 

In  Article  One,  Chapter  Two,  Section  3  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet 
Republic,  under  the  title  "Declaration  of  the  Rights 
of  the  Laboring  and  Exploited  People,"  is  the  follow- 
ing: 

"Bearing  in  mind  as  its  fundamental  problem  the 
abolition  of  exploitation  of  men  by  men,  the  entire 
abolition  of  the  division  of  the  people  into  classes,  the 


BOLSHEVISM  OUTSIDE  OF  RUSSIA    265 

suppression  of  exploiters,  the  establishment  of  a  So- 
cialist society,  and  the  victory  of  Socialism  in  all  lands, 
the  third  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  of  Workers', 
Soldiers'  and  Peasants'  Deputies  further  resolves: 

"A.  For  the  purpose  of  realizing  the  socialization 
of  land,  all  private  property  in  land  is  abolished,  and 
the  entire  land  is  declared  to  be  apportioned  among 
husbandmen  without  any  compensation  to  the  former 
owners,  in  the  measure  of  each  one's  ability  to  till  it. 

"C.  As  a  first  step  toward  complete  transfer  of 
ownership  to  the  Soviet  Republic  of  all  factories,  mills, 
mines,  railroads,  and  other  means  of  production  and 
transportation,  the  Soviet  law  for  the  control  of  work- 
men and  the  establishment  of  the  Supreme  Soviet  of 
National  Economy  is  hereby  confirmed,  so  as  to  as- 
sure the  power  of  the  workers  over  the  exploiters. 

"D.  With  reference  to  international  banking  and 
finance,  the  third  congress  of  Soviets  is  discussing 
the  Soviet  decree  regarding  the  annulment  of  loans 
made  by  the  government  of  the  Tzar,  by  landowners, 
and  the  bourgeoisie,  and  it  trusts  that  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment will  firmly  follow  this  course  until  the  final 
victory  of  the  international  workers'  revolt  against 
the  oppression  of  capital." 

These  clauses  hi  the  Bolshevist  constitution  confirm 
the  indictment  of  Bolshevism,  that  it  proposes  to  "take 
from  those  who  have  and  give  to  those  who  have  not" 
by  revolution  not  by  readjustment,  or  compromise 
or  gradual  change.  There  is  no  mistaking  either  the 
method  or  the  object  of  Bolshevism.  Both  are  stated 
clearly  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Soviet  Republic. 

And,  Bolshevism  spreads  in  every  country  where 


266          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

there  is  discontent  and  dissatisfaction,  social  unrest 
and  agitation. 

The  red  flag  is  the  red  emblem  of  revolution  and  it 
may  be  seen  to-day  in  practically  every  nation  in  the 
world.  I  saw  it  in  Russia,  in  Germany,  in  Seattle,  in 
Chicago,  in  France,  in  Switzerland,  in  Austria,  in  Mex- 
ico, and  in  Spain.  The  flag  of  Soviet  internationalism 
has  preceded  the  establishment  of  every  revolutionary 
government  in  Europe,  and  the  grave  problem  facing 
world  governments  and  world  peoples  to-day  is: 

"Can  a  League  of  Nations,  or  democratic  represen- 
tative national  governments  or  reorganized  industrial 
standards  stop  the  revolution?" 

That  there  is  a  conflict  between  Bolshevism  and  a 
union  of  world  governments  is  evident.  That  the 
trail  of  Bolshevism  encircles  the  globe  is  equally  clear, 
and  in  this  crisis  in  the  development  of  the  world  to- 
day the  decision  as  to  the  final  outcome  does  not  rest 
alone  upon  those  who  direct  governments  and  indus- 
tries but  also  upon  those  who  vote  and  labor. 

Under  these  circumstances  what  will  be  the  out- 
come? 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  RUSSIAN  CO-OPERATIVE  UNIONS 

BECAUSE  the  trail  of  the  Bolshevik!  is  world-wide 
does  not  mean  that  all  days  of  the  future  will  be 
sinister  ones.  Even  hi  Russia  there  are  clouds  with 
silver  linings.  Despite  appearances  and  the  propa- 
ganda of  the  Bolshevists  there  is  one  organization  in 
that  country  which  is  stronger  numerically,  financially, 
economically  and  morally  than  the  Soviets.  It  is  the 
Russian  Co-operative  Unions,  or  Consumers'  Societies, 
with  a  membership  of  20,000,000  heads  of  families, 
controlling  50,300  shops,  stores,  factories,  mills,  and 
warehouses  in  all  parts  of  Russia.  And  this  group  of 
business  units  is  not  alone  important  for  its  material 
strength,  but  because  during  the  past  two  years  it  has 
been  fighting  the  Bolshevist  decree  abolishing  private 
ownership  in  property — a  contest  which  resulted  in  a 
victory  for  the  Co-operatives  whose  members  refused  to 
permit  the  Soviets  to  confiscate  their  holdings  in 
Russia. 

At  a  time  when  the  situation  in  Russia  was  about 
as  discouraging  and  hopeless  as  it  ever  was,  or  could 
be,  there  appeared  in  England,  France,  and  the  United 
States  representatives  of  this  non-political  organiza- 
tion with  a  plan  of  action  in  Russia  which  was  con- 
sidered at  the  Paris  Conference,  and  which  may  be 
the  means  for  a  League  of  Nations  to  begin  its  recon- 
struction work  in  northern  Europe  and  Asia. 

267 


268          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

In  an  earlier  chapter  I  referred  to  the  conflict  be- 
tween the  Soviet  and  the  Co-operatives  over  the  opera- 
tion of  the  mills  of  Moscow.  Representatives  of  these 
unions  who  have  arrived  in  New  York  confirm  the 
reported  outcome  of  the  struggle  over  the  question  of 
the  confiscation  of  the  union  property  in  Russia. 
They  state  that  although  the  Soviet  Federal  Consti- 
tution provides  for  the  confiscation  of  all  property 
this  was  not  executed  against  the  Co-operatives. 

This  is,  in  fact,  the  biggest  defeat  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment has  suffered  in  Russia.  It  was  a  direct  blow 
to  their  plans  for  an  industrial  democracy  which  Lenin 
himself  acknowledged  in  a  recent  pamphlet  which  he 
wrote  to  explain  why  Bolshevism  as  an  industrial  pro- 
gramme had  failed.  The  Bolsheviki,  however,  have 
been  endeavoring  to  obtain  support  outside  of  Russia 
by  contending  that  the  industries  which  are  now  being 
operated  in  Russia  are  being  operated  by  Soviets  and 
workers,  which  is  not  a  statement  of  fact.  What  in- 
dustrial life  there  is  in  Russia  to-day  is  due  entirely 
to  the  work  of  the  members  of  the  Co-operatives,  who 
have  steadfastly  refused  to  work  for  the  Bolshevist 
government  and  who  have  been  and  are  now  running 
their  factories,  stores,  and  mills  entirely  on  behalf  of 
the  unions  without  any  help  or  interferences  from  the 
Soviets. 

This  utter  failure  of  the  Bolshevist  industrial  mil- 
lennium, as  planned  by  Lenin  and  Trotsky,  is  un- 
doubtedly the  greatest  indictment  of  the  practicability 
of  Bolshevism  as  an  industrial  reconstruction  pro- 
gramme about  which  the  outside  world  has  been  able 
to  learn.  And  the  credit  for  this,  if  due  to  any  one 


RUSSIAN  CO-OPERATIVE  UNIONS      269 

organization,  belongs  to  the  Co-operatives,  whose 
members  have  remained  firm  and  unyielding  in  their 
opposition  to  the  confiscation  of  their  property. 

In  Omsk,  Irkutsk,  Ekaterinburg,  Vladivostok,  and 
other  Russian  cities  I  visited  the  stores  of  the  Co-opera- 
tive Unions,  and  although  the  supplies  which  they  had 
on  hand  of  manufactured  articles  were  very  meagre 
compared  to  the  regular  stocks,  these  stores  were  the 
only  ones  having  new  things  for  sale  to  their  members. 
Every  other  store  had  only  second-hand  and  worn 
materials,  books,  shoes,  samovars,  cloths,  and  similar 
articles.  But  in  one  of  the  Omsk  Co-operative  stores, 
for  instance,  I  found  everything  from  cloth  for  dresses 
to  soap,  schoolbooks,  toys,  furs,  rubber  goods,  and 
machinery  for  farmers  and  peasants.  Everything 
which  might  be  of  use  to  a  Russian  family,  excepting 
stocks  which  were  exhausted,  and  there  were  many  of 
these,  was  handled  by  the  Co-operative  stores.  But 
in  Omsk,  Vladivostok,  and  Irkutsk,  as  in  other  Rus- 
sian cities,  neither  the  officials  nor  the  members  of  the 
unions  were  taking  part  in  politics.  The  Omsk  rep- 
resentatives of  the  Co-operative  Union  were  carrying 
on  then1  business  without  any  dealings  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  Admiral  Koltshak,  and  his  officials  were 
not  disturbing  the  activities  of  the  Co-operatives  just 
as  the  Soviets  under  Lenin  have  long  since  ceased  at- 
tempting to  interfere  with  the  work  of  the  societies 
in  European  Russia.  Neither  Koltshak  nor  Lenin 
have  been  able  or  willing  to  fight  the  Co-operatives 
because  they  have  grown  to  their  present  strength  after 
years  of  struggle  with  the  Tzar's  Government  and 
after  repeated  contests  with  the  autocrats  of  his  ad- 


270          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

ministration,  out  of  which  they  have  always  emerged 
successfully. 

Because  the  conflict  between  the  Bolshevists  and 
the  Co-operatives  has  been  centred  almost  entirely 
upon  the  question  of  the  rights  of  private  property 
the  outcome  has  not  only  an  important  bearing  upon 
the  situation  in  Russia  but  upon  the  Bolshevist  propa- 
ganda throughout  the  world.  It  being  the  chief  de- 
feat administered  to  Bolshevism  in  Russia,  reports 
of  it  naturally  have  not  spread  outside  of  that  country, 
but  upon  the  arrival  in  the  United  States  and  Eng- 
land of  representatives  of  the  Co-operatives,  who  have 
been  sent  abroad  by  the  Russian  unions  to  purchase 
manufactured  goods  in  exchange  for  raw  materials 
or  money,  some  additional  details  of  the  clash  between 
the  Bolshevists  and  the  Co-operatives  have  been  given. 

In  Russia  where  community  enterprises  have  been 
common  for  decades  the  growth  of  the  Co-operatives 
has  been  very  marked.  In  1865  where  there  was  but 
one  Co-operative  society  hi  Russia,  there  were  800  in 
England,  and  some  200  in  Germany.  Nine  years  later 
when  the  number  in  England  was  doubled  and  Italy 
had  1,013,  Russia  had  but  only  353.  By  1917,  however, 
there  were  39,753  Co-operative  Unions  hi  Russia  com- 
pared to  12,000  in  England  and  10,000  hi  Germany, 
Japan,  France,  and  Italy.  The  following  year,  despite 
the  revolutions  of  March  and  October,  1917,  the  number 
of  Co-operative  societies  increased  to  50,000  while  300 
regional  unions  were  formed  with  an  individual  mem- 
bership of  20,000,000  heads  of  families.  Last  year 
these  unions  handled  8,000,000,000  roubles'  worth  of 
materials. 


RUSSIAN  CO-OPERATIVE  UNIONS      271 

•^ 

While  the  societies,  stores,  and  factories  of  the  Co- 
operatives are  scattered  throughout  Russia  and  Si- 
beria there  are  five  central  organizations,  of  which  the 
All-Russian  Central  Union  of  Consumers'  Societies, 
organized  in  1898,  is  the  largest.  The  capital  of  this 
union  alone  is  100,000,000  roubles  and  they  operate  flour 
and  paper  mills,  candy,  shoe,  soap,  chemical,  match, 
syrup,  and  tobacco  factories,  refrigerator  plants,  and 
fisheries  valued  at  some  800,000,000  roubles.  The 
financial  centre  of  all  the  Co-operatives  is  the  Moscow 
People's  Bank,  founded  in  1909  with  33  branches  in 
Russia,  capitalized  at  100,000,000  roubles,  with  deposits 
amounting  to  650,000,000  and  loans  aggregating  900,- 
000,000  roubles,  according  to  the  last  bank  statement 
of  1918  received  in  the  United  States. 

The  second  oldest  union  is  that  of  the  Siberian 
Creamery  Associations,  which  has  27  branches  hi 
Siberia,  and  3,000  factory  plants  and  distributing 
centres.  The  union  operates  factories  for  making 
oil,  rope,  and  soap,  and  for  rebuilding  agricultural 
machinery,  and  when  I  left  Vladivostok  it  had  20,- 
000,000  roubles'  worth  of  butter  in  cold-storage  and 
over  40,000,000  roubles'  worth  of  grain,  furs,  and 
other  raw  articles  in  warehouses  and  elevators. 

Organized  in  1915,  during  the  war,  the  All-Russian 
Co-operative  Union  of  Flax  Growers  grew  to  an  or- 
ganization of  forty-six  unions  with  more  than  a  million 
and  a  half  members  by  the  beginning  of  1918.  In 
1917,  during  the  two  revolutions,  it  collected  40,000 
tons  of  flax,  and  distributed  3,000  tons  of  flaxseed  to  its 
members.  Last  year  these  unions  sold  18,000  tons  of 
flax  in  foreign  countries,  and  the  proceeds  of  this  sale 


272          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

are  being  used  in  the  United  States  and  England  to 
purchase  goods  and  machinery  for  use  of  the  farmers 
of  Russia.  This  union,  despite  all  the  handicaps  of  dis- 
turbed economic  conditions  in  Russia,  expects  to  ex- 
port during  the  coming  flax  season  about  55,000  tons 
of  flax  valued  at  $38,500,000. 

In  1918,  while  the  Czecho-Slovak  troops  were  fight- 
ing their  way  across  Siberia  and  while  the  United 
States  and  Allies  were  landing  troops  in  Vladivostok, 
a  union  of  Siberian  Co-operative  Unions  was  formed 
by  9,162  local  societies  and  a  capital  of  nearly  30,- 
000,000  roubles  for  the  sole  purpose  of  marketing 
abroad  lumber,  meat,  eggs,  hemp,  and  dried  vegetables. 
This  union  has  also  gone  into  the  fur  business,  and  in 
1918  bought  from  Siberian  dealers  more  than  2,000,000 
pelts.  It  is  also  operating  paper,  woollen  and  cotton 
mills,  potash,  lanoline,  and  dye-oil  factories,  and  ex- 
pecte  to  develop  the  salt  industry  which  promises  to 
be  one  of  its  biggest  businesses  because  of  the  abun- 
dance of  salt  in  the  lakes  of  Siberia  and  the  great  scarci- 
ty of  that  article  of  food,  for  which  the  Siberian  people 
have  had  to  depend  almost  entirely  upon  foreign  ship- 
ments. 

This  great  8,000,000,000  roubles  business  society  has 
been  the  only  staple  organization  in  Russia  during 
the  past  two  years  and  two  months  of  disorder  and 
social  unrest.  These  societies  are  the  only  ones  which 
were  able  to  defy  the  Soviets  and  refuse  to  permit  the 
confiscation  of  their  property.  Their  holdings,  which 
are  entirely  the  private  property  of  the  individual 
members,  have  not  been  disturbed  by  the  Bolshevists, 
and  as  a  result  of  two  years  of  trial  under  abnormal 


RUSSIAN  CO-OPERATIVE  UNIONS      273 

conditions  which  they  have  successfully  weathered 
they  have  sent  official  representatives  abroad  on  eco- 
nomic missions  with  the  dual  object  of  buying  and 
selling  for  its  members  in  Russia  and  of  bringing  about 
commercial  intercourse  between  its  societies  and  for- 
eign manufacturers.  And,  as  to  the  attitude  of  the 
unions  toward  the  United  States  and  the  Allies,  it  is 
significant  that  they  have  endeavored  to  centre  all 
their  business  in  Allied  countries,  with  headquarters 
in  New  York  and  London. 

Their  plan  of  action  is  purely  economic.  They  wish 
to  ship  to  Russia  clothing,  household  goods,  and  farm 
implements.  All  of  their  purchases  will  be  consigned 
to  the  unions  so  that  no  possible  benefit  can  come  to 
the  Bolsheviki  either  directly  or  indirectly.  After  a 
two-year  contest  with  the  Soviet  Government  the  Co- 
operatives have  emerged  stronger  than  the  Soviets 
themselves,  and  they  are  in  a  position  to-day  where 
they  can  be  of  immense  assistance  to  a  League  of  Na- 
tions in  its  reconstruction  work  in  Russia.  And  from 
present  indications  it  appears  as  if  the  newly  organized 
world  society  of  governments  will  seek  to  co-operate 
with  the  consumers'  societies  after  the  peace  treaty 
is  signed  in  Paris. 

The  development  of  the  Co-operatives  in  Russia, 
which  was  due  to  a  great  extent  to  the  lack  of  private 
commercial  activity,  promises  to  have  a  far-reaching 
effect  during  the  coming  reconstruction  period.  To 
have  grown  from  an  organization  of  39,000  societies 
under  the  Tzar,  to  have  increased  11,000  more  during 
two  revolutions  and  the  disturbed  conditions  which 
followed,  and  to  have  been  successful  in  defeating  the 


274          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

application  of  the  Bolshevist  decree  confiscating  private 
property  is  to  have  made  a  record  unequalled  by  any 
business  organization  in  any  country  during  a  great 
international  and  civil  war. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  FUTURE  OF ;  PEACE 

TRAVELLING  through  Europe  during  the  war  I  heard 
in  every  neutral  and  belligerent  country,  tune  and 
time  again,  that  magic  word:  "Revolution."  In  Spain, 
Switzerland,  France,  England,  Belgium,  Germany, 
Austria,  Poland,  Hungary,  Rumania,  and  Scandinavia 
revolutions  were  gossiped  about  in  the  streets,  palaces, 
and  lobbies  of  Parliaments.  The  supreme  aim  of  the 
propaganda  of  each  group  of  contesting  Powers  was 
to  cause  internal  industrial  and  political  dissension 
within  the  realms  of  their  opponents.  Their  object 
was  to  sow  the  seeds  of  revolution  abroad  and  crush 
them  at  home.  The  German  propagandists  I  met  in 
Switzerland,  Holland,  Denmark,  Spain,  and  Mexico 
were  but  agents  of  the  German  Great  Headquarters 
carrying  out  instructions  in  the  final  attempt  of  the 
Militarist  of  central  Europe  to  destroy  the  fabric  of 
government  and  industry  in  France,  England,  Italy, 
and  the  United  States.  Even  President  Wilson  spoke 
with  the  ardor  and  genius  of  a  revolutionist  when  he 
arbitrarily  separated  the  "German  people"  from  the 
German  Government,"  and  the  Allied  statesmen  ac- 
cepted his  leadership  when  they  approved  his  ulti- 
matum of  October,  1918,  that  the  associated  Powers 
would  not  make  peace  with  the  "King  of  Prussia." 

Long  before  the  Bolshevists  were  in  control  of  Eu- 
ropean Russia  revolutions  were  advertised  in  the  world. 
Millions  of  dollars,  francs,  gulden,  pounds,  and  marks 

275 


276          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

were  spent  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere to  bring  about  revolutions.  But  the  object  of 
this  propaganda  was  distinctly  national.  Each  bel- 
ligerent worked  for  a  revolution  in  an  enemy  country. 
They  did  not  advocate  a  class  war  or  a  class  revolu- 
tion. 

When  the  Bolshevists  came  to  power  in  Petrograd 
and  Moscow  they  took  advantage  of  this  world  revo- 
lutionary agitation  and  began  to  advertise  and  labor 
for  a  proletariat  revolution. 

As  a  result  of  the  combined  efforts  of  the  statesmen 
of  belligerent  countries  during  the  war,  and  the  leaders 
of  the  Bolshevists  preceding  and  following  the  signing 
of  the  armistice,  there  is  to-day  a  world-wide  revolu- 
tionary movement  against  all  authority — governmental, 
industrial,  and  religious.  In  trailing  the  Bolsheviki  in 
Russia,  and,  in  tracing  its  track  across  Europe,  Asia, 
and  the  United  States,  I  have,  in  fact,  not  been  fol- 
lowing the  route  of  Russian  Bolshevism  but  of  the 
world  revolution. 

We  are  in  the  midst  of  that  revolution  to-day,  but 
because  it  has  not  taken  the  form  of  extreme  violence 
in  the  United  States  we  do  not  recognize  it.  A  revo- 
lution of  action,  however,  only  follows  a  revolution  of 
opinion,  and  that  which  we  call  "  revolutionary  propa- 
ganda" is  but  another  name  for  the  vanguard  of  a 
revolution  of  destruction. 

In  brief,  that  is  the  condition  which  exists  to-day, 
and  it  is  with  this  condition  that  the  two  reconstruction 
forces,  Bolshevism  and  a  League  of  Nations,  are  con- 
fronted. The  one  seeks  to  rebuild  the  world  by  razing 
it;  the  latter  by  adjustment  and  evolution. 


THE  FUTURE  OF  PEACE  277 

Bolshevism  has  made  such  rapid  progress  during 
the  past  year  that  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  period 
of  peace  it  appears  to  be  the  stronger.  But  I  am  con- 
fident that  this  is  only  temporary.  The  Bolsheviki 
have  not  yet  succeeded  in  conquering  any  democratic 
country.  Bolshevism  has  spread  most  effectively  hi 
autocratic  countries.  In  Russia,  Hungary,  and  Ger- 
many Bolshevism  is  the  price  the  people  are  now  pay- 
ing for  militaristic  governments.  The  old  German 
cannons  used  to  have  the  following  legend  stamped 
on  them:  "The  last  resort  of  Kings."  Before  the 
Tzar  was  overthrown  the  Russian  peasants  sang,  "The 
Funeral  March  of  the  Proletariat,"  because  of  the 
oppression  of  the  government.  Bolshevism  in  these 
countries  is  extreme  reaction  against  extreme  autoc- 
racy. 

Bolshevism  in  the  United  States,  England,  and 
France  is  essentially  industrial.  It  is  a  movement 
against  "industrial  militarism,"  and  it  is  still  in  the 
early  stages  of  a  "revolution  of  opinion."  There  is 
a  universal  feeling  among  all  people  that  the  world 
after  this  war  must  be  a  different  and  a  vastly  better 
world  than  it  was  before,  but  the  mind  of  the  mass  of 
people  has  not  yet  formulated  a  programme  or  plat- 
form for  the  new  reconstruction,  but  what  is  gradually 
developing  in  this  country  and  England  is  an  "indus- 
trial democracy"  without  the  Bolshevist  method  of 
destruction. 

Lenin  has  stated  that  Russia's  civil  war  would  last 
fifty  years  and  that  it  would  be  fifty  years  before  the 
Soviets  could  control  the  world. 

During  a  conversation  in  the  late  summer  of  1918 


278          TRAILING  THE  BOLSHEVIKI 

with  Colonel  Edward  M.  House  this  quiet  observer 
for  President  Wilson  and  American  peace  delegate 
remarked  that  it  might  be  fifty  years  after  the  signing 
of  peace  before  the  world  would  know  whether  there 
was  to  be,  or  could  be,  such  a  thing  as  universal  peace. 
And  the  point  he  made  in  this  connection  was  that 
the  essential  question  for  world  governments  to  decide 
was  whether  they  desired  to  use  this  fifty-year  period 
to  prepare  for  peace  or  another  war.  If  they  were 
sincere  in  their  wishes  for  peace  then  a  League  of  Na- 
tions would  be  an  organization  to  aid  them  in  realizing 
their  ideal.  Before  the  armistice  it  was  Colonel  House's 
idea  that  a  League  of  Nations  was  to  be  considered  a 
League  of  Governments  to  prepare  for  peace. 

If  Lenin  speaks  for  the  Bolshevists  and  if  the  ideas 
of  Colonel  House  are  shared  by  the  statesmen  of  the 
Peace  Conference  then  for  the  next  fifty  years  these 
two  reconstruction  forces  will  clash. 

After  trailing  the  Bolsheviki,  after  following  many 
Allied  armies  and  enemy  forces  in  the  field,  and  after 
watching  the  fluctuations  in  public  opinion  through 
the  press  of  various  former  belligerent  and  neutral 
countries  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  genera- 
tion, and  perhaps  the  next,  will  see  the  end  of  wars  of 
nations  but  the  beginning  of  class  conflicts.  The  latter 
will  develop  in  every  country,  not  excluding  the  United 
States,  but  hi  each  they  will  assume  different  forms 
and  formulate  different  demands.  In  those  nations 
whose  governments  are  most  reactionary,  in  those 
industries  whose  directors  are  least  progressive  this 
revolution  of  opinion  may  and  probably  will  assume 
the  form  of  Bolshevist  action. 


THE  FUTURE  OF  PEACE  279 

Like  all  great  problems,  the  solution  is  largely  a 
matter  of  leadership.  Bolshevism  has  always  suc- 
ceeded so  far  where  governments  and  industrial  leaders 
failed.  In  Russia,  Hungary,  and  Bavaria  Bolshevism 
succeeded  because  those  who  directed  the  old  govern- 
ments and  businesses  failed.  While  the  experiences 
of  the  Allies  hi  Siberia  appear  discouraging,  while 
then-  failure  to  co-operate  there  was  a  direct  aid  to 
the  Bolshevists,  this  is  not  an  indication  of  the  future 
course  of  a  union  of  governments.  When  the  people 
of  the  world  and  the  governmental  leaders  themselves 
recognize  that  during  the  period  of  reconstruction 
there  can  be  only  two  forces:  (1)  a  union  of  govern- 
ments, or,  (2)  a  union  of  Soviets,  it  will  be  easier  for 
governments  to  get  together,  for  hi  unity  there  is  not 
only  strength  but  order,  and  the  demand  of  the  people 
throughout  the  world  is  not  disorder  and  Bolshevism, 
but  order,  food,  and  work. 

Bolshevism,  while  it  succeeds  where  others  fail,  is  a 
programme  of  industrial  failure,  as  has  been  demon- 
strated already  in  Russia.  Against  the  combined  leader- 
ship of  men  who  have  made  democratic  representative 
governments  a  success,  against  the  united  leadership 
of  men  who  have  built  great  industries  and  working 
nations  neither  the  Bolshevist  form  of  government 
nor  the  Bolshevist  plan  for  an  " industrial  democracy" 
will  succeed,  because  there  were  democracies  in  Switzer- 
land, England,  and  the  United  States  centuries  before 
Bolshevism  appeared,  and  during  the  past  decade 
the  industrial  establishments  of  these  three  countries 
have  been  gradually  transformed.  "Industrial  democ- 
racies" are  being  realized  in  these  countries  without 


280 

destruction  of  property  and  life,  and  of  society  and 
government. 

Militarism  was  the  "last  resort  of  Kings,"  and  Bol- 
shevism is  the  " Funeral  March  of  the  Proletariat." 

Over  the  face  of  the  globe  winds  the  serpentine  trail 
of  the  Bolshevists.  The  United  States  and  the  Allied 
governments,  which  have  been  successful  against  mili- 
tarism, have  now  united  in  a  League  of  Nations  to 
bring  about  world  peace  and  to  combat  Bolshevism. 
The  outcome  of  this  reconstruction  war  is  as  certain 
as  the  finale  of  the  contest  between  the  two  groups  of 
belligerents  in  the  Great  War.  Trailing  the  Bolsheviki 
this  New  World  League,  backed  by  Public  Opinion,  will 
eventually  encircle  the  globe.  Bolshevism,  a  goblin  of 
reconstruction,  will  gradually  disappear  and  Civiliza- 
tion will  advance  safely  and  cautiously  toward  that 
period  of  universal  happiness  which  has  been  the  dream 
of  prophets  and  the  goal  of  all  Mankind. 


APPENDIX  A 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  "Rus- 
sian Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic,"  reprinted  from  The  Na- 
tion, of  January  4,  1919  with  a  preamble  containing  a  resolution 
of  the  Fifth  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets,  adopted  on  July  10, 
1918! 

The  declaration  of  rights  of  the  laboring  and  exploited  people 
(approved  by  the  Third  Ail-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  in  Jan- 
uary 1918),  together  with  the  Constitution  of  the  Soviet  Republic, 
approved  by  the  Fifth  Congress,  constitutes  a  single  fundamental 
law  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

This  fundamental  law  becomes  effective  upon  the  publication 
of  the  same  in  its  entirety  in  the  "  Izvestia  of  the  All-Russian  Gen- 
eral Executive  Committee."  It  must  be  published  by  all  organs 
of  the  Soviet  Government  and  must  be  posted  in  a  prominent  place 
in  every  Soviet  institution. 

The  Fifth  Congress  instructs  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Edu- 
cation to  introduce  in  ah1  schools  and  educational  institutions  of 
the  Russian  Republic  the  study  and  explanation  of  the  basic  prin- 
ciples of  this  Constitution. 

ARTICLE  ONE 

DECLARATION  OP  RIGHTS  OP  THE  LABORING  AND 
EXPLOITED  PEOPLE 

Chapter  One 

1.  Russia  is  declared  to  be  a  Republic  of  the  Soviets  of  Workers', 
Soldiers',  and  Peasants'  Deputies.    All  the  central  and  local  power 
belongs  to  these  Soviets. 

2.  The  Russian  Soviet  Republic  is  organized  on  the  basis  of  a 
free  union  of  free  nations,  as  a  federation  of  Soviet  national  Re- 
publics. 

Chapter  Two 

3.  Bearing  in  mind  as  its  fundamental  problem  the  abolition  of 
exploitation  of  men  by  men,  the  entire  abolition  of  the  division  of 
the  people  into  classes,  the  suppression  of  exploiters,  the  estab- 

281 


282  APPENDIX 

lishment  of  a  Socialist  society,  and  the  victory  of  socialism  in  all 
lands,  the  Third  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  of  Workers',  Sol- 
diers', and  Peasants'  Deputies  further  resolves: 

a.  For  the  purpose  of  realizing  the  socialization  of  land,  all  private 
property  in  land  is  abolished,  and  the  entire  land  is  declared  to  be 
national  property  and  is  to  be  apportioned  among  husbandmen 
without  any  compensation  to  the  former  owners,  in  the  measure 
of  each  one's  ability  to  till  it. 

b.  All  forests,  treasures  of  the  earth,  and  waters  of  general  public 
utility,  all  implements  whether  animate  or  inanimate,  model  farms 
and  agricultural  enterprises,  are  declared  to  be  national  property. 

c.  As  a  first  step  towards  complete  transfer  of  ownership  to  the 
Soviet  Republic  of  all  factories,  mills,  mines,  railways,  and  other 
means  of  production  and  transportation,  the  Soviet  law  for  the 
control  by  workmen  and  the  establishment  of  the  Supreme  Soviet 
of  National  Economy  is  hereby  confirmed,  so  as  to  assure  the  power 
of  the,  workers  over  the  exploiters. 

d.  With  reference  to  international  banking  and  finance,  the  third 
Congress  of  Soviets  is  discussing  the  Soviet  decree  regarding  the 
annulment  of  loans  made  by  the  Government  of  the  Czar,  by  land- 
owners and  the  bourgeoisie,  and  it  trusts  that  the  Soviet  Govern- 
ment will  firmly  follow  this  course  until  the  final  victory  of  the 
international  workers'  revolt  against  the  oppression  of  capital. 

e.  The  transfer  of  all  banks  into  the  ownership  of  the  Workers' 
and  Peasants'  Government,  as  one  of  the  conditions  of  the  libera- 
tion of  the  toiling  masses  from  the  yoke  of  capital,  is  confirmed. 

f .  Universal  obligation  to  work  is  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
eliminating  the  parasitic  strata  of  society  and  organizing  the  eco- 
nomic life  of  the  country. 

g.  For  the  purpose  of  securing  the  working  class  in  the  possession 
of  the  complete  power,  and  in  order  to  eliminate  all  possibility  of 
restoring  the  power  of  the  exploiters,  it  is  decreed  that  all  toilers 
be  armed,  and  that  a  Socialist  Red  Army  be  organized  and  the 
propertied  class  be  disarmed. 

Chapter  Three 

4.  Expressing  its  absolute  resolve  to  liberate  mankind  from  the 
grip  of  capital  and  imperialism,  which  flooded  the  earth  with  blood 
in  this  present  most  criminal  of  all  wars,  the  third  Congress  of 
Soviets  fully  agrees  with  the  Soviet  Government  in  its  policy  of 
breaking  secret  treaties,  of  organizing  on  a  wide  scale  the  fraterniza- 


APPENDIX  283 

tion  of  the  workers  and  peasants  of  the  belligerent  armies,  and  of 
making  all  efforts  to  conclude  a  general  democratic  peace  without 
annexations  or  indemnities,  upon  the  basis  of  the  free  determina- 
tion of  the  peoples. 

5.  It  is  also  to  this  end  that  the  third  Congress  of  Soviets  insists 
upon  putting  an  end  to  the  barbarous  policy  of  the  bourgeois 
civilization  which  enables  the  exploiters  of  a  few  chosen  nations 
to  enslave  hundreds  of  millions  of  the  toiling  population  of  Asia, 
of  the  colonies,  and  of  small  countries  generally. 

6.  The  third  Congress  of  Soviets  hails  the  policy  of  the  Council 
of  People's  Commissars  in  proclaiming  the  full  independence  of 
Finland,  in  withdrawing  troops  from  Persia,  and  in  proclaiming 
the  right  of  Armenia  to  self-determination. 

Chapter  Four 

7.  The  third  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  of  Workers',  Sol- 
diers', and  Peasants'  Deputies  believes  that  now,  during  the  prog- 
ress of  the  decisive  battle  between  the  proletariat  and  its  exploiters, 
the  exploiters  can  not  hold  a  position  in  any  branch  of  the  Soviet 
Government.    The  power  must  belong  entirely  to  the  toiling  masses 
and    to    their    plenipotentiary    representatives — the    Soviets    of 
Workers',  Soldiers',  and  Peasants'  Deputies. 

8.  In  its  effort  to  create  a  league — free  and  voluntary,  and  for 
that  reason  all  the  more  complete  and  secure — of  the  working  classes 
of  all  the  peoples  of  Russia,  the  third  Congress  of  Soviets  merely 
establishes  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  federation  of  Russian 
Soviet  Republics,  leaving  to  the  workers  and  peasants  of  every 
people  to  decide  the  following  question  at  their  plenary  sessions 
of  their  Soviets:  whether  or  not  they  desire  to  participate,  and  on 
what  basis,  in  the  federal  government  and  other  federal  Soviet 
institutions. 

ARTICLE  TWO 

GENERAL  PROVISIONS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  OP  THE  RUSSIAN 
SOCIALIST  FEDERATED  SOVIET  REPUBLIC 

Chapter  Five 

9.  The  fundamental  problem  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Russian 
Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  involves,  in  view  of  the  pres- 
ent transition  period,  the  establishment  of  a  dictatorship  of  the 
urban  and  rural  proletariat  and  the  poorest  peasantry  in  the  form  of 


284  APPENDIX 

a  powerful  All-Russian  Soviet  authority,  for  the  purpose  of  abolish- 
ing the  exploitation  of  men  by  men  and  of  introducing  Socialism, 
in  which  there  will  be  neither  a  division  into  classes  nor  a  state  of 
autocracy. 

10.  The  Russian  Republic  is  a  free  Socialist  society  of  all  the 
working  people  of  Russia.    The  entire  power,  within  the  boundaries 
of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic,  belongs  to 
all  the  working  people  of  Russia,  united  in  urban  and  rural  Soviets. 

11.  The  Soviets  of  those  regions  which  differentiate  themselves 
by  a  special  form  of  existence  and  national  character  may  unite 
in  autonomous  regional  unions,  ruled  by  the  local  Congress  of  the 
Soviets  and  their  executive  organs. 

These  autonomous  regional  unions  participate  in  the  Russian 
Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  upon  the  basis  of  a  federation. 

12.  The  supreme  power  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet 
Republic  belongs  to  the  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets,  and,  in 
periods  between  the  convocation  of  the  Congress,  to  the  All-Rus- 
sian Central  Executive  Committee. 

13.  For  the  purpose  of  securing  to  the  toilers  real  freedom  of 
conscience,  the  church  is  to  be  separated  from  the  state  and  the 
school  from  the  church,  and  the  right  of  religious  and  anti-religious 
propaganda  is  accorded  to  every  citizen. 

14.  For  the  purpose  of  securing  the  freedom  of  expression  to 
the  toiling  masses,  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic 
abolishes  all  dependence  of  the  press  upon  capital,  and  turns  over 
to  the  working  people  and  the  poorest  peasantry  all  technical  and 
material  means  of  publication  of  newspapers,  pamphlets,  books, 
etc.,  and  guarantees  their  free  circulation  throughout  the  country. 

15.  For  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  workers  to  hold  free  meet- 
ings, the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  offers  to 
the  working  class  and  to  the  poorest  peasantry  furnished  halls, 
and  takes  care  of  their  heating  and  lighting  appliances. 

16.  The  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic,  having 
crushed  the  economic  and  political  power  of  the  propertied  classes 
and  having  thus  abolished  all  obstacles  which  interfered  with  the 
freedom  of  organization  and  action  of  the  workers  and  peasants, 
offers  assistance,  material  and  other,  to  the  workers  and  the  poorest 
peasantry  in  their  effort  to  unite  and  organize. 

17.  For  the  purpose  of  guaranteeing  to  the  workers  real  access 
to  knowledge,  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic 
sets  itself  the  task  of  furnishing  full  and  general  free  education  to 
the  workers  and  the  poorest  peasantry. 


APPENDIX  285 

18.  The  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  considers 
work  the  duty  of  every  citizen  of  the  Republic,  and  proclaims  as 
its  motto:   "He  shall  not  eat  who  does  not  work." 

19.  For  the   purpose   of  defending  the  victory  of   the   great 
peasants'  and  workers'  revolution,  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated 
Soviet  Republic  recognizes  the  duty  of  all  citizens  of  the  Republic 
to  come  to  the  defence  of  their  Socialist  Fatherland,  and  it,  there- 
fore, introduces  universal  military  training.    The  honor  of  defend- 
ing the  revolution  with  arms  is  given  only  to  the  toilers,  and  the 
non-toiling  elements  are  charged  with  the  performance  of  other 
military  duties. 

20.  In  consequence  of  the  solidarity  of  the  toilers  of  all  nations, 
the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  grants  all  political 
rights  of  Russian  citizens  to  foreigners  who  live  in  the  territory  of 
the  Russian  Republic  and  are  engaged  in  toil  and  who  belong  to 
the  toiling  class.    The  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic 
also  recognizes  the  right  of  local  Soviets  to  grant  citizenship  to 
such  foreigners  without  complicated  formality. 

21.  The   Russian   Socialist    Federated   Soviet    Republic    offers 
shelter  to  all  foreigners  who  seek  refuge  from  political  or  religious 
persecution. 

22.  The  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic,  recogniz- 
ing equal  rights  of  all  citizens,  irrespective  of  their  racial  or  national 
connections,  proclaims  all  privileges  on  this  ground,  as  well  as  op- 
pression of  national  minorities,  to  be  in  contradiction  with  the 
fundamental  laws  of  the  Republic. 

23.  Being  guided  by  the  interests  of  the  working  class  as  a  whole, 
the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  deprives  all  in- 
dividuals and  groups  of  rights  which  could  be  utilized  by  them  to 
the  detriment  of  the  Socialist  Revolution. 

ARTICLE  THREE 

CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  SOVIET  POWER 

A.    ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  CENTRAL  POWER 

Chapter  Six 

The  Att-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  of  Workers',  Peasants', 
Cossacks',  and  Red  Army  Deputies 

24.  The  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  is  the  supreme  power 
of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

25.  The  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  is  composed  of  repre- 


286  APPENDIX 

sentatives  of  urban  Soviets  (one  delegate  for  25,000  voters),  and 
of  representatives  of  the  provincial  (Gubernia)  congresses  of  Soviets 
(one  delegate  for  125,000  inhabitants). 

Note  1 :  In  case  the  Provincial  Congress  is  not  called  before  the 
All-Russian  Congress  is  convoked,  delegates  for  the  latter  are  sent 
directly  from  county  (Quezd)  Congress. 

Note  2.  In  case  the  Regional  (Oblast)  Congress  is  convoked 
indirectly,  previous  to  the  convocation  of  the  Ail-Russian  Congress, 
delegates  for  the  latter  may  be  sent  by  the  Regional  Congress. 

26.  The  Ail-Russian  Congress  is  convoked  by  the  All-Russian 
Central  Executive  Committee  at  least  twice  a  year. 

27.  A  special  All-Russian  Congress  is  convoked  by  the  All-Rus- 
sian Central  Executive  Committee  upon  its  own  initiative,  or  upon 
the  request  of  local  Soviets  having  not  less  than  one-third  of  the 
entire  population  of  the  Republic. 

28.  The  All-Russian  Congress  elects  an  All-Russian  Central 
Executive  Committee  of  not  more  than  200  members. 

29.  The  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  is  entirely 
responsible  to  the  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets. 

30.  In  the  periods  between  the  convocation  of  the  Congresses, 
the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  is  the  supreme  power 
of  the  Republic. 

Chapter  Seven 
The  Alls-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee 

31.  The  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  is  the  su- 
preme legislative,  executive,  and  controlling  organ  of  the  Russian 
Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

32.  The  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  directs  in 
a  general  way  the  activity  of  the  workers'  and  peasants'  Govern- 
ment and  of  all  organs  of  the  Soviet  authority  in  the  country,  and 
it  coordinates  and  regulates  the  operation  of  the  Soviet  Constitu- 
tion and  of  the  resolutions  of  the  All-Russian  Congresses  and  of 
the  central  organs  of  the  Soviet  power. 

33.  The  All-Russian   Central  Executive  Committee   considers 
and  enacts  all  measures  and  proposals  introduced  by  the  Soviet 
of  People's  Commissars  or  by  the  various  departments,  and  it  also 
issues  its  own  decrees  and  regulations. 

34.  The  All-Russian   Central  Executive  Committee   convokes 
the  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets,  at  which  time  the  Executive 
Committee  reports  on  its  activity  and  on  general  questions. 


APPENDIX  287 

35.  The  All-Russian   Central   Executive   Committee  forms  a 
Council  of  People's  Commissars  for  the  purpose  of  general  manage- 
ment of  the  affairs  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Re- 
public, and  it  also  forms  departments  (People's  Commissariats) 
for  the  purpose  of  conducting  various  branches. 

36.  The  members  of  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee work  in  the  various  departments  (People's  Commissariats) 
or  execute  special  orders  of  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee. 

Chapter  Eight 

The  Council  of  People's  Commissars 

37.  The  Council  of  People's  Commissars  is  entrusted  with  the 
general  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Fed- 
erated Soviet  Republic. 

38.  For  the  accomplishment  of  this  task  the  Council  of  People's 
Commissars  issues  decrees,  resolutions,  orders,  and,  in  general, 
takes  all  steps  necessary  for  the  proper  and  rapid  conduct  of  gov- 
ernment affairs. 

39.  The  Council  of  People's  Commissars  notifies  immediately 
the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  of  all  its  orders  and 
resolutions. 

40.  The  Ail-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  has  the  right 
to  revoke  or  suspend  all  orders  and  resolutions  of  the  Council  of 
People's  Commissars. 

41.  All  orders  and  resolutions  of  the  Council  of  People's  Com- 
missars of  great  political  significance  are  turned  over  for  considera- 
tion and  final  approval  to  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee. 

Note:  Measures  requiring  immediate  execution  may  be  enacted 
directly  by  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars. 

42.  The  members  of  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars  stand 
at  the  head  of  the  various  People's  Commissariats. 

43.  There  are  eighteen  People's  Commissars: 

a.  Foreign  Affairs. 

b.  Army. 

c.  Navy. 

d.  Interior. 
e  Justice. 

f.  Labor. 

g.  Social  Welfare. 


288  APPENDIX 

h.    Education. 

i.     Post  and  Telegraph 

j.     National  Affairs. 

k.    Finances. 

1.     Ways  of  Communication. 

m.  Agriculture. 

n.    Commerce  and  Industry. 

o.    National  Supplies. 

p.    State  Control. 

q.    Supreme  Soviet  of  National  Economy. 

r.     Public  Health. 

44.  Every  Commissar  has  a  College  (Committee)  of  which  he 
is  the  President,  and  the  members  of  which  are  appointed  by  the 
Council  of  People's  Commissars. 

45.  A  People's  Commissar  has  the  individual  right  to  decide 
on  all  questions  under  the  jurisdiction  of  his  Commissariat,  and 
he  is  to  report  on  his  decision  to  the  College.    If  the  College  does 
not  agree  with  the  Commissar  on  some  decisions,  the  former  may, 
without  stopping  the  execution  of  the  decision,  complain  of  it  to 
the  executive  members  of  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars  or 
to  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee. 

Individual  members  of  the  College  have  this  right  also. 

46.  The  Council  of  People's  Commissars  is  entirely  responsible 
to  the  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  and  the  All-Russian  Cen- 
tral Executive  Committee. 

47.  The  People's  Commissars  and  the  Colleges  of  the  People's 
Commissariats  are  entirely  responsible  to  the  Council  of  People's 
Commissars  and  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee. 

48.  The  title  of  People's  Commissar  belongs  only  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars,  which  is  in  charge  of 
general  affairs  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic, 
and  it  can  not  be  used  by  any  other  representative  of  the  Soviet 
power,  either  central  or  local. 

Chapter  Nine 

Affairs  in  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  All-Russian  Congress  and  the 
All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee 

49.  The  All-Russian  Congress  and  the  All-Russian  Central  Exec- 
utive Committee  deal  with  questions  of  state,  such  as: 

a.  Ratification  and  amendment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Rus- 
sian Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 


APPENDIX  289 

b.  General  direction  of  the  entire  interior  and  foreign  policy  of 
the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

c.  Establishing  and  changing  boundaries, .  also  ceding  territory 
belonging  to  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

d.  Establishing  boundaries  for  regional  Soviet  unions  belonging 
to  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic,  also  settling 
disputes  among  them. 

e.  Admission  of  new  members  to  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated 
Soviet  Republic,  and  recognition  of  the  secession  of  any  parts  of 
it. 

f.  The  general  administrative  division  of  the  territory  of  the 
Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  and  the  approval  of 
regional  unions. 

g.  Establishing  and  changing  of  weights,  measures,  and  money 
denominations  in  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

h.  Foreign  relations,  declaration  of  war,  and  ratification  of  peace 
treaties. 

i.  Making  loans,  signing  commercial  treaties,  and  financial  agree- 
ments. 

j.  Working  out  a  basis  and  a  general  plan  for  the  national 
economy  and  for  its  various  branches  in  the  Russian  Socialist 
Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

k.  Approval  of  the  budget  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated 
Soviet  Republic. 

1.  Levying  taxes  and  establishing  the  duties  of  citizens  to  the 
state. 

m.  Establishing  the  bases  for  the  organization  of  armed  forces. 

n.  State  legislation,  judicial  organization  and  procedure,  civil 
and  criminal  legislation,  etc. 

o.  Appointment  and  dismissal  of  the  individual  People's  Com- 
missars or  the  entire  Council;  also  approval  of  the  President  of 
the  Council  of  People's  Commissars. 

p.  Granting  and  cancelling  Russian  citizenship  and  fixing  rights 
of  foreigners. 

q.  The  right  to  -declare  individual  and  general  amnesty. 

50.  Besides   the    above-mentioned    questions,    the   All-Russian 
Congress  and  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  have 
charge  of  all  other  affairs  which,  according  to  their  decision,  re- 
quire their  attention. 

51.  The  following  questions  are  solely  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  All-Russian  Congress: 


290  APPENDIX 

a.  Ratification  and  amendment  of  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  Soviet  Constitution. 

b.  Ratification  of  peace  treaties. 

52.  The  decision  of  questions  indicated  in  Items  c  and  h  of  Para- 
graph 49  may  be  made  by  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee only  in  case  it  is  impossible  to  convoke  the  Congress. 


B.     ORGANIZATION  OP  LOCAL  SOVIETS 

Chapter  Ten 

The  Congresses  of  the  Soviets 

53.  Congresses  of  Soviets  are  composed  as  follows: 

a.  Regional:  of  representatives  of  the  urban  and  county  Soviets, 
one  representative  for  25,000  inhabitants  of  the  country,  and  one 
representative  for  5,000  voters  of  the  cities — but  not  more  than 
500  representatives  for  the  entire  region — or  of  representatives  of 
the  provincial  Congresses,  chosen  on  the  same  basis,  if  such  a  Con- 
gress meets  before  the  regional  Congress. 

b.  Provincial  (Gubernia) :  of  representatives  of  urban  and  rural 
(Volost)  Soviets,  one  representative  for  10,000  inhabitants  from 
the  rural  districts,  and  one  representative  for  2,000  voters  in  the 
city;   altogether  not  more  than  300  representatives  for  the  entire 
province.    In  case  the  county  Congress  meets  before  the  provincial, 
election  takes  place  on  the  same  basis,  but  by  the  county  Congress 
instead  of  the  rural. 

c.  County:  of  representatives  of  rural  Soviets,  one  delegate  for 
each  1,000  inhabitants,  but  not  more  than  300  delegates  for  the 
entire  county. 

d.  Rural  (Volost):   of  representatives  of  all  village  Soviets  hi 
the  Volost,  one  delegate  for  ten  members  of  the  Soviet. 

Note  1:  Representatives  of  urban  Soviets  which  have  a  popu- 
lation of  not  more  than  10,000  persons  participate  in  the  county 
Congress;  village  Soviets  of  districts  of  less  than  1,000  inhabitants 
unite  for  the  purpose  of  electing  delegates  to  the  county  Congress. 

Note  2:  Rural  Soviets  of  less  than  ten  members  send  one  dele- 
gate to  the  rural  (Volost)  Congress. 

54.  Congresses  of  the  Soviets  are  convoked  by  the  respective 
Executive  Committees  upon  their  own  initiative,  or  upon  request 
of  local  Soviets  comprising  not  less  than  one-third  of  the  entire 
population  of  the  given  district.    In  any  case,  they  are  convoked 


APPENDIX  291 

at  least  twice  a  year  for  regions,  every  three  months  for  provinces 
and  counties,  and  once  a  month  for  rural  districts. 

55.  Every   Congress  of  Soviets   (regional,   provincial,   county, 
and  rural)  elects  its  Executive  organ — an  Executive  Committee 
the  membership  of  which  shall  not  exceed: 

(a)  for  regions  and  provinces,  25;  (b)  for  a  county,  20;  (c)  for 
a  rural  district,  10.  The  Executive  Committee  is  responsible  to 
the  Congress  which  elected  it. 

56.  In  the  boundaries  of  the  respective  territories  the  Congress 
is  the  supreme  power;  during  intervals  between  the  convocations 
of  the  Congress,  the  Executive  Committee  is  the  supreme  power. 

Chapter  Eleven 
The  Soviet  of  Deputies 

57.  Soviets  of  Deputies  are  formed: 

a.  In  cities,  one  deputy  for  each  1,000  inhabitants;   the  total 
to  be  not  less  than  50  and  not  more  than  1,000  members. 

b.  All  other  settlements  (towns,  villages,  hamlets,  etc)  of  less 
than  10,000  inhabitants,  one  deputy  for  each  100  inhabitants;  the 
total  to  be  not  less  than  3  and  not  more  than  50  deputies  for  each 
settlement. 

Term  of  the  deputy,  three  months. 

Note:  In  small  rural  sections,  whenever  possible,  all  questions 
shall  be  decided  at  general  meetings  of  voters. 

58.  The  Soviet  of  Deputies  elects  an  Executive  Committee  to 
deal  with  current  affairs;  not  more  than  5  members  for  rural  dis- 
tricts, one  for  every  50  members  of  the  Soviets  of  cities,  but  not 
more  than  15  and  not  less  than  3  in  the  aggregate  (Petrograd  and 
Moscow  not  more  than  40).    The  Executive  Committee  is  entirely 
responsible  to  the  Soviet  which  elected  it. 

59.  The  Soviet  of  Deputies  is  convoked  by  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee upon  its  own  initiative,  or  upon  the  request  of  not  less  than 
one-half  of  the  membership  of  the  Soviet;  in  any  case  at  least  once 
a  week  in  cities,  and  twice  a  week  in  rural  sections. 

60.  Within  its  jurisdiction  the  Soviet,  and  in  cases  mentioned 
in  Paragraph  57,  Note,  the  meeting  of  the  voters,  is  the  supreme 
power  in  the  given  district. 


292  APPENDIX 

Chapter  Twelve 
Jurisdiction  of  the  local  organs  of  the  Soviets 

61.  Regional,  provincial,  county,  and  rural  organs  of  the  Soviet 
power  and  also  the  Soviets  of  Deputies  have  to  perform  the  fol- 
lowing duties: 

a.  Carry  out  all  orders  of  the  respective  higher  organs  of  the 
Soviet  power. 

b.  Take  all  steps  towards  raising  the  cultural  and  economic 
standard  of  the  given  territory. 

c.  Decide  all  questions  of  local  importance  within  their  respec- 
tive territory. 

d.  Coordinate  all  Soviet  activity  in  their  respective  territory. 

62.  The  Congresses  of  Soviets  and  their  Executive  Committees 
have  the  right  to  control  the  activity  of  the  local  Soviets  (i.  e.,  the 
regional  Congress  controls  all  Soviets  of  the  respective  regions; 
the  provincial,  of  the  respective  province,  with  the  exception  of 
the  urban  Soviets,  etc.) ;  and  the  regional  and  provincial  Congresses 
and  their  Executive  Committees  in  addition  have  the  right  to  over- 
rule the  decisions  of  the  Soviets  of  their  districts,  giving  notice  in 
important  cases  to  the  central  Soviet  authority. 

63.  For  the  purpose  of  performing  their  duties,  the  local  Soviets, 
rural  and  urban,  and  the  Executive  Committees  form  sections  re- 
spectively. 

ARTICLE  FOUR 

THE  RIGHT  TO  VOTE 

Chapter  Thirteen 

64.  The  right  to  vote  and  to  be  elected  to  the  Soviets  is  enjoyed 
by   the   following   citizens,   irrespective   of   religion,   nationality, 
domicile,  etc.,  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic, 
of  both  sexes,  who  shall  have  completed  their  eighteenth  year  by 
the  day  of  election: 

a.  All  who  have  acquired  the  means  of  living  through  labor  that 
is  productive  and  useful  to  society,  and  also  persons  engaged  in 
housekeeping,  which  enables  the  former  to  do  productive  work,  i.  e., 
laborers  and  employees  of  all  classes  who  are  employed  in  industry, 
trade,  agriculture,  etc.;  and  peasants  and  Cossack  agricultural 
laborers  who  employ  no  help  for  the  purpose  of  making  profits. 

b.  Soldiers  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  Soviets. 


APPENDIX  293 

c.  Citizens  of  the  two  preceding  categories  who  have  to  any  de- 
gree lost  their  capacity  to  work. 

Note.  1 :  Local  Soviets  may,  upon  approval  of  the  central  power, 
lower  the  age  standard  mentioned  herein. 

Note  2:  Non-citizens  mentioned  in  Paragraph  20  (Article  Two, 
Chapter  5)  have  the  right  to  vote. 

65.  The  following  persons  enjoy  neither  the  right  to  vote  nor 
the  right  to  be  voted  for,  even  though  they  belong  to  one  of  the 
categories  enumerated  above,  namely: 

a.  Persons  who  employ  hired  labor  in  order  to  obtain  from  it 
an  increase  in  profits. 

b.  Persons  who  have  an  income  without  doing  any  work,  such 
as  interest  from  capital,  receipts  from  property,  etc. 

c.  Private  merchants,  trade  and  commercial  brokers. 

d.  Monks  and  clergy  of  all  denominations. 

e.  Employees  and  agents  of  the  former  police,  the  gendarme 
corps,  and  the  Okhrana  [Czar's  secret  service],  also  members  of 
the  former  reigning  dynasty. 

f.  Persons  who  have  in  legal  form  been  declared  demented  or 
mentally  deficient,  and  also  persons  under  guardianship. 

g.  Persons  who  have  been  deprived  by  a  Soviet  of  their  rights 
of  citizenship  because  of  selfish  or  dishonorable  offences,  for  the 
period  fixed  by  the  sentence. 

Chapter  Fourteen 
Elections 

66.  Elections  are  conducted  according  to  custom  on  days  fixed 
by  the  local  Soviets. 

67.  Election  takes  place  in  the  presence  of  an  electing  committee 
and  the  representative  of  the  local  Soviet. 

68.  In  case  the  representative  of  the  Soviet  can  not  be  present 
for  valid  causes,  the  chairman  of  the  electing  committee  takes  his 
place,  and  in  case  the  latter  is  absent,  the  chairman  of  the  election 
meeting  replaces  him. 

69.  Minutes  of  the  proceedings  and  results  of  elections  are  to 
be  complied  and  signed  by  the  members  of  the  electing  committee 
and  the  representative  of  the  Soviet. 

70.  Detailed    instructions   regarding   the    election    proceedings 
and  the  participation  in  them  of  professional  and  other  workers' 
organizations  are  to  be  issued  by  the  local  Soviets,  according  to 
the  instructions  of  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee. 


294  APPENDIX 

Chapter  Fifteen 
The  checking  and  cancellation  of  elections  and  recall  of  the  deputies 

71.  The  respective  Soviets  receive  all  the  records  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  election. 

72.  The  Soviet  appoints  a  commission  to  verify  the  elections. 

73.  This  commission  reports  on  the  results  to  the  Soviets. 

74.  The  Soviet  decides  the  question  when  there  is  doubt  as  to 
which  candidate  is  elected. 

75.  The  Soviet  announces  a  new  election  if  the  election  of  one 
candidate  or  another  can  not  be  determined. 

76.  If  an  election  was  irregularly  carried  on  in  its  entirety,  it 
may  be  declared  void  by  a  higher  Soviet  authority. 

77.  The  highest  authority  in  relation  to  questions  of  elections 
is  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee. 

78.  Voters  who  have  sent  a  deputy  to  the  Soviet  have  the  right 
to  recall  him,  and  to  have  a  new  election,  according  to  general  pro- 
visions. 

ARTICLE  FIVE 

THE  BUDGET 
Chapter  Sixteen 

79.  The  financial  policy  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet 
Republic  in  the  present  transition  period  of  dictatorship  of  the 
proletariat,  facilitates  the  fundamental  purpose  of  expropriation  of 
the  bourgeoisie  and  the  preparation  of  conditions  necessary  for 
the  equality  of  all  citizens  of  Russia  in  the  production  and  distribu- 
tion of  wealth.    To  this  end  it  sets  forth  as  its  task  the  supplying 
of  the  organs  of  the  Soviet  power  with  all  necessary  funds  for  local 
and  state  needs  of  the  Soviet  Republic,  without  regard  to  private 
property  rights. 

80.  The  state  expenditure  and  income  of  the  Russian  Socialist 
Federated  Soviet  Republic  are  combined  in  the  state  budget. 

81.  The  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  or  the  All-Russian  Cen- 
tral Executive  Committee  determine  what  matters  of  income  and 
taxation  shall  go  to  the  state  budget  and  what  shall  go  to  the  local 
Soviets;  they  also  set  the  limits  of  taxes. 

82.  The  Soviets  levy  taxes  only  for  the  local  needs.    The  state 
needs  are  covered  by  the  funds  of  the  state  treasury. 

83.  No  expenditure  out  of  the  state  treasury  not  set  forth  in 


APPENDIX  295 

the  budget  of  income  and  expense  shall  be  made  without  a  special 
order  of  the  central  power. 

84.  The  local  Soviets  shall  receive  credits  from  the  proper  People's 
Commissars  out  of  the  state  treasury,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
expenditures  for  general  state  needs. 

85.  All  credits  allotted  to  the  Soviets  from  the  state  treasury, 
and  also  credits  approved  for  local  needs,  must  be  expended  ac- 
cording to  the  estimates,  and  can  not  be  used  for  any  other  pur- 
poses without  a  special  order  of  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive 
Committee  and  the  Soviet  of  People's  Commissars. 

86.  Local  Soviets  draw  up  semi-annual  and  annual  estimates 
of  income  and  expenditure  for  local  needs.    The  estimates  of  urban 
and  rural  Soviets  participating  in  county  congresses,  and  also  the 
estimates  of  the  county  organs  of  the  Soviet  power,  are  to  be  ap- 
proved by  provincial  and  regional  congresses  or  by  their  executive 
committees;   the  estimates  of  the  urban,  provincial,  and  regional 
organs  of  the  Soviets  are  to  be  approved  by  the  All-Russian  Cen- 
tral Executive  Committee  and  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars. 

87.  The  Soviets  may  ask  for  additional  credits  from  the  respec- 
tive People's  Commissariats  for  expenditures  not  set  forth  in  the 
estimate,  or  where  the  allotted  sum  is  insufficient. 

88.  In  case  of  an  insufficiency  of  local  funds  for  local  needs,  the 
necessary  subsidy  may  be  obtained  from  the  state  treasury  by  ap- 
plying to  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee  or  the 
Council  of  People's  Commissars. 

ARTICLE  SIX 


Chapter  Seventeen 

89.  The  coat  of  arms  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet 
Republic  consists  of  a  red  background  on  which  a  golden  scythe 
and  a  hammer  are  placed  (crosswise,  handles  downward)  in  sun- 
rays  and  surrounded  by  a  wreath,  inscribed: 

Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic. 
Workers  of  the  World,  Unite  / 

90.  The  commercial,  naval,  and  army  flag  of  the  Russian  So- 
cialist Federated  Soviet  Republic  consists  of  a  red  cloth,  in  the 


296  APPENDIX 

left  corner  of  which  (on  top,  near  the  pole)  there  are  in  golden  char- 
acters the  letters  R.  S.  F.  S.  R.,  or  the  inscription:  Russian  So- 
cialist Federated  Soviet  Republic. 

Chairman  of  the  Fifth  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  and  of 
the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee — J.  Sverdloff. 

Executive  Officers — All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee: 
T.  I.  Teodorowitch,  F.  A.  Rosin,  A.  P.  Rosenholz,  A.  C.  Mitro- 
fanoff,  K.  G.  Maximoff. 

Secretary  of  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Committee — 
V.  A.  Avanessoff. 


APPENDIX  B 

COVENANT  OF  THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 

THE  COUNSELOR  FOR  THE  DEPARTMENT  OP  STATE 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

April  28,  1919. 

The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions as  presented  to  the  plenary  session  of  the  Peace  Conference: 

THE  COVENANT  OF  THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 

In  order  to  promote  international  cooperation  and  to  achieve 
international  peace  and  security,  by  the  acceptance  of  obligations 
not  to  resort  to  war,  by  the  prescription  of  open,  just  and  honorable 
relations  between  nations,  by  the  firm  establishment  of  the  under- 
standings of  international  law  as  to  actual  rule  of  conduct  among 
Governments,  and  by  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  a  scrupulous 
respect  for  all  treaty  obligations  in  the  dealings  of  organized  peoples 
with  one  another,  the  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  this  covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations. 

ARTICLE  ONE 

The  original  members  of  the  League  of  Nations  shall  be  those 
of  the  signatories  which  are  named  in  the  annex  to  this  covenant 
and  also  such  of  those  other  states  named  in  the  annex  as  shall  ac- 
cede without  reservation  to  this  covenant.  Such  accessions  shall 
be  effected  by  a  declaration  deposited  with  the  Secretariat  within 
two  months  of  the  coming  into  force  of  the  covenant.  Notice  thereof 
shall  be  sent  to  all  other  members  of  the  League. 

Any  fully  self-governing  state,  dominion  or  colony  not  named 
in  the  annex,  may  become  a  member  of  the  League  if  its  admission 
is  agreed  by  two-thirds  of  the  assembly,  provided  that  it  shall  give 
effective  guarantees  of  its  sincere  intention  to  observe  its  interna- 
tional obligations,  and  shall  accept  such  regulations  as  may  be 
prescribed  by  the  League  in  regard  to  its  military  and  naval  forces 
and  armaments. 

Any  member  of  the  League,  may,  after  two  years'  notice  of  its 
intention  so  to  do,  withdraw  from  the  League,  provided  that  all 

297 


298  APPENDIX 

its  international  obligations   and  all  its  obligations  under  this 
covenant  shall  have  been  fulfilled  at  the  time  of  its  withdrawal. 


ARTICLE  TWO 

The  action  of  the  League  under  this  covenant  shall  be  effected 
through  the  instrumentality  of  an  Assembly  and  of  a  Council,  with 
a  permanent  Secretariat. 

ARTICLE  THREE 

The  Assembly  shall  consist  of  representatives  of  the  members 
of  the  League. 

The  Assembly  shall  meet  at  stated  intervals  and  from  time  to 
time  as  occasion  may  require,  at  the  seat  of  the  League,  or  at  such 
other  place  as  may  be  decided  upon. 

The  Assembly  may  deal  at  its  meetings  with  any  matter  within 
the  sphere  of  action  of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of  the  world. 

At  the  meetings  of  the  Assembly,  each  member  of  the  League 
shall  have  one  vote,  and  may  have  not  more  than  three  represen- 
tatives. 

ARTICLE  FOUR 

The  Council  shall  consist  of  representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  of  the  British  Empire,  of  France,  of  Italy,  and  of  Japan, 
together  with  representatives  of  four  other  members  of  the  League. 
These  four  members  of  the  League  shall  be  selected  by  the  Assembly 
from  time  to  time  in  its  discretion.  Until  the  appointment  of  the 
representatives  of  the  four  members  of  the  League  first  selected 
by  the  Assembly,  representatives  of  (blank)  shall  be  members  of 
the  Council. 

With  the  approval  of  the  majority  of  the  Assembly,  the  Council 
may  name  additional  members  of  the  League  whose  representatives 
shall  always  be  members  of  the  Council;  the  Council  with  like 
approval  may  increase  the  number  of  members  of  the  League  to 
be  selected  by  the  Assembly  for  representation  on  the  Council. 

The  Council  shall  meet  from  time  to  time  as  occasion  may  re- 
quire, and  at  least  once  a  year,  at  the  seat  of  the  League,  or  at  such 
other  place  as  may  be  decided  upon. 

The  Council  may  deal  at  its  meetings  with  any  matter  within 
the  sphere  of  action  of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of 
the  world. 

Any  member  of  the  League  not  represented  on  the  Council  shall 
be  invited  to  send  a  representative  to  sit  as  a  member  at  any  meet- 


APPENDIX  299 

ing  of  the  Council  during  the  consideration  of  matters  specially 
affecting  the  interests  of  that  member  of  the  League. 

At  meetings  of  the  Council,  each  member  of  the  League  repre- 
sented on  the  Council  shall  have  one  vote,  and  may  have  not  more 
than  one  representative. 

ARTICLE  FIVE 

Except  where  otherwise  expressly  provided  in  this  covenant  or 
by  the  terms  of  this  treaty,  decisions  at  any  meeting  of  the  Assem- 
bly or  of  the  Council  shall  require  the  agreement  of  all  the  members 
of  the  League  represented  at  the  meeting. 

All  matters  of  procedure  at  meetings  of  the  Assembly  or  of  the 
Council,  the  appointment  of  committees  to  investigate  particular 
matters,  shall  be  regulated  by  the  Assembly  or  by  the  Council  and 
may  be  decided  by  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  League  rep- 
resented at  the  meeting. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  Assembly  and  the  first  meeting  at  the 
Council  shall  be  summoned  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
of  America. 

ARTICLE  six 

The  permanent  Secretariat  shall  be  established  at  the  seat  of 
the  League.  The  Secretariat  shall  comprise  a  Secretary  General 
and  such  secretaries  and  staff  as  may  be  required. 

The  first  Secretary  General  shall  be  the  person  named  in  the 
annex;  thereafter  the  Secretary  General  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  Council  with  the  approval  of  the  majority  of  the  Assembly. 

The  Secretaries  and  the  staff  of  the  Secretariat  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Secretary  General  with  the  approval  of  the  Council. 

The  Secretary  General  shall  act  in  that  capacity  at  all  meetings 
of  the  Assembly  and  of  the  Council. 

The  expenses  of  the  Secretariat  shall  be  borne  by  the  members 
of  the  League  in  accordance  with  the  apportionment  of  the  ex- 
penses of  the  International  Bureau  of  the  Universal  Postal  Union. 

ARTICLE  SEVEN 

The  seat  of  the  League  is  established  at  Geneva. 

The  Council  may  at  any  time  decide  that  the  seat  of  the  League 
shall  be  established  elsewhere. 

All  positions  under  or  in  connection  with  the  League,  including 
the  Secretariat,  shall  be  open  equally  to  men  and  women. 

representatives  of  the  members  of  the  League  and  officials  of 


300  APPENDIX 

the  League  when  engaged  on  the  business  of  the  League  shall  enjoy 
diplomatic  privileges  and  immunities. 

The  buildings  and  other  property  occupied  by  the  League  or  its 
officials  or  by  representatives  attending  its  meetings  shall  be  in- 
violable. 

ARTICLE  EIGHT 

The  members  of  the  League  recognize  that  the  maintenance  of 
a  peace  requires  the  reduction  of  national  armaments  to  the  lowest 
point  consistent  with  national  safety  and  the  enforcement  by 
common  action  of  international  obligations. 

The  Council,  taking  account  of  the  geographical  situation  and 
circumstances  of  each  state,  shall  formulate  plans  for  such  reduc- 
tion for  the  consideration  and  action  of  the  several  governments. 

Such  plans  shall  be  subject  to  reconsideration  and  revision  at 
least  every  ten  years. 

After  these  plans  shall  have  been  adopted  by  the  several  govern- 
ments, limits  of  armaments  therein  fixed  shall  not  be  exceeded 
without  the  concurrence  of  the  Council. 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  the  manufacture  by 
private  enterprise  of  munitions  and  implements  of  war  is  open  to 
grave  objections.  The  Council  shall  advise  how  the  evil  effects 
attendant  upon  such  manufacture  can  be  prevented,  due  regard 
being  had  to  the  necessities  of  those  members  of  the  League  which 
are  not  able  to  manufacture  the  munitions  and  implements  of  war 
necessary  for  their  safety. 

The  members  of  the  League  undertake  to  interchange  full  and 
frank  information  as  to  the  scale  of  their  armaments,  their  military 
and  naval  programmes  and  the  condition  of  such  of  then*  indus- 
tries as  are  adaptable  to  warlike  purposes. 

ARTICLE  NINE 

A  permanent  commission  shall  be  constituted  to  advise  the 
Council  on  the  execution  of  the  provisions  of  Article  One  and  Eight 
and  on  military  and  naval  questions  generally. 

ARTICLE  TEN 

The  members  of  the  League  undertake  to  respect  and  preserve 
as  against  external  aggression  the  territorial  integrity  and  existing 
political  independence  of  all  members  of  the  League.  In  case  of 
any  such  aggression  or  in  case  of  any  threat  or  danger  of  such  ag- 


APPENDIX  301 

gression,  the  Council  shall  advise  upon  the  means  by  which  this 
obligation  shall  be  fulfilled. 

ARTICLE  ELEVEN 

Any  war  or  threat  of  war,  whether  immediately  affecting  any  of 
the  members  of  the  League  or  not,  is  hereby  declared  a  matter  of 
concern  to  the  whole  League,  and  the  League  shall  take  any  action 
that  may  be  deemed  wise  and  effectual  to  safeguard  the  peace  of 
nations.  In  case  any  such  emergency  should  arise,  the  Secretary 
General  shall,  on  the  request  of  any  member  of  the  League,  forth- 
with summon  a  meeting  of  the  Council. 

It  is  also  declared  to  be  the  fundamental  right  of  each  member 
of  the  League  to  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  Assembly  or  of  the 
Council  any  circumstance  whatever  affecting  international  relations 
which  threatens  to  disturb  either  the  peace  or  the  good  understand- 
ing between  nations  upon  which  peace  depends. 

AHTICLE  TWELVE 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  if  there  should  arise  be- 
tween them  any  dispute  likely  to  lead  to  a  rupture,  they  will  sub- 
mit the  matter  either  to  arbitration  or  to  inquiry  by  the  Council, 
and  they  agree  in  no  case  to  resort  to  war  until  three  months  after 
the  award  by  the  arbitrators  or  the  report  by  the  Council. 

In  any  case  under  this  Article  the  award  of  the  arbitrators  shall 
be  made  within  a  reasonable  time,  and  the  report  of  the  Council 
shall  be  made  within  six  months  after  the  submission  of  the  dis- 
pute. 

ARTICLE  THIRTEEN 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  whenever  any  dispute 
shall  arise  between  them  which  they  recognize  to  be  suitable  for 
submission  to  arbitration  and  which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  settled 
by  diplomacy,  they  will  submit  the  whole  subject  matter  to  arbi- 
tration. Disputes  as  to  the  interpretation  of  a  treaty,  as  to  any 
question  of  international  law,  as  to  the  existence  of  any  fact  which 
if  established  would  constitute  a  breach  of  any  international  obliga- 
tion, or  as  to  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  reparation  to  be  made 
for  any  such  breach,  are  declared  to  be  among  those  which  are  gen- 
erally suitable  for  submission  to  arbitration.  For  the  considera- 
tion of  any  such  dispute  the  court  of  arbitration  to  which  the  case 
is  referred  shall  be  the  court  agreed  on  by  the  parties  to  the  dis- 
pute or  stipulated  in  any  convention  existing  between  them. 


302  APPENDIX 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  they  will  carry  out  in 
full  good  faith  any  award  that  may  be  rendered  and  that  they  will 
not  resort  to  war  against  a  member  of  the  League  which  complies 
therewith.  In  the  event  of  any  failure  to  carry  out  such  an  award, 
the  Council  shall  propose  what  steps  should  be  taken  to  give  effect 
thereto. 

The  Council  shall  formulate  and  submit  to  the  members  of  the 
League  for  adoption  plans  for  the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
court  of  international  justice.  The  court  shall  be  competent  to 
hear  and  determine  any  dispute  of  an  international  character  which 
the  parties  thereto  submit  to  it.  The  court  may  also  give  an  ad- 
visory opinion  upon  any  dispute  or  question  referred  to  it  by  the 
Council  or  by  the  Assembly. 

ARTICLE  FIFTEEN 

If  there  should  arise  between  members  of  the  League  any  dis- 
pute likely  to  lead  to  a  rupture,  which  is  not  submitted  to  arbitra- 
tion as  above,  the  members  of  the  League  agree  that  they  will  sub- 
mit the  matter  to  the  Council.  Any  party  to  the  dispute  may  effect 
such  submission  by  giving  notice  of  the  existence  of  the  dispute 
to  the  Secretary  General,  who  will  make  all  necessary  arrangements 
for2a  full  investigation  and  consideration  thereof.  For  this  purpose 
the  parties  to  the  dispute  will  communicate  to  the  Secretary  Gen- 
eral, as  promptly  as  possible,  statements  of  their  case,  all  the  relevant 
facts  and  papers;  the  Council  may  forthwith  direct  the  publication 
thereof. 

The  Council  shall  endeavor  to  effect  a  settlement  of  any  dispute, 
and  if  such  efforts  are  successful,  a  statement  shall  be  made  public 
giving  such  facts  and  explanations  regarding  the  dispute,  terms  of 
settlement  thereof  as  the  Council  may  deem  appropriate. 

If  the  dispute  is  not  thus  settled,  the  Council  either  unanimously 
or  by  a  majority  vote  shall  make  and  publish  a  report  containing 
a  statement  of  the  facts  of  the  dispute  and  the  recommendations 
which  are  deemed  just  and  proper  in  regard  thereto. 

Any  member  of  the  League  represented  on  the  Council  may  make 
public  a  statement  of  the  facts  of  the  dispute  and  of  its  conclusions 
regarding  the  same. 

If  a  report  by  the  Council  is  unanimously  agreed  to  by  the 
members  thereof  other  than  the  representatives  of  one  or  more 
of  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  the  members  of  the  League  agree  that 
they  will  not  go  to  war  with  any  party  to  the  dispute  which  com- 
plies with  the  recommendations  of  the  report. 


APPENDIX  303 

If  the  Council  fails  to  reach  a  report  which  is  unanimously  agreed 
to  by  the  members  thereof,  other  than  the  representatives  of  one 
or  more  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  the  members  of  the  League 
reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  take  such  action  as  they  shall 
consider  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  right  and  justice. 

If  the  dispute  between  the  parties  is  claimed  by  one  of  them, 
and  is  found  by  the  Council  to  arise  out  of  a  matter  which  by  in- 
ternational law  is  solely  within  the  domestic  jurisdiction  of  that 
party,  the  Council  shall  so  report,  and  shall  make  no  recommenda- 
tion as  to  its  settlement. 

The  Council  may  in  any  case  under  this  Article  refer  the  dis- 
pute to  the  Assembly.  The  dispute  shall  be  so  referred  at  the  re- 
quest of  either  party  to  the  dispute,  provided  that  such  request 
be  made  within  fourteen  days  after  the  submission  of  the  dispute 
to  the  Council. 

In  any  case  referred  to  the  Assembly  all  the  provisions  of  this 
Article  and  of  Article  Twelve  relating  to  the  action  and  powers 
of  the  Council  shall  apply  to  the  action  and  powers  of  the  Assembly, 
provided  that  a  report  made  by  the  Assembly,  if  concurred  in  by 
the  representatives  of  those  members  of  the  League  represented 
on  the  Council  and  of  a  majority  of  the  other  members  of  the  League, 
exclusive  in  each  case  of  the  representatives  of  the  parties  to  the 
dispute,  shall  have  the  same  force  as  a  report  by  the  Council  con- 
curred in  by  all  the  members  thereof  other  than  the  representatives 
of  one  or  more  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute, 

ARTICLE  SIXTEEN 

Should  any  member  of  the  League  resort  to  war  in  disregard 
of  its  covenants  under  Article  Twelve,  Thirteen  or  Fifteen,  it  shall 
ipso  facto  be  deemed  to  have  committed  an  act  of  war  against  all 
other  members  of  the  League,  which  hereby  undertake  immediately 
to  subject  it  to  the  severance  of  all  trade  or  financial  relations,  the 
prohibition  of  all  intercourse  between  their  nationals  and  the  na- 
tionals of  the  covenant-breaking  state  and  the  prevention  of  all  finan- 
cial, commercial,  or  personal  intercourse  between  the  nationals  of 
the  covenant-breaking  state  and  the  nationals  of  any  other  state, 
whether  a  member  of  the  League  or  not. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Council  in  such  case  to  recommend 
to  the  several  governments  concerned  what  effective  military  or 
naval  forces  the  members  of  the  League  shall  severally  contribute 
to  the  armaments  of  forces  to  be  used  to  protect  the  covenants  of 
the  League. 


304  APPENDIX 

The  members  of  the  League  agree,  further,  that  they  will  mu- 
tually support  one  another  in  the  financial  and  economic  measures 
which  are  taken  under  this  Article,  in  order  to  minimize  the  loss 
and  inconvenience  resulting  from  the  above  measures,  and  that 
they  will  mutually  support  one  another  in  resisting  any  special 
measures  aimed  at  one  of  their  number  by  the  covenant-breaking 
state,  and  that  they  will  take  the  necessary  steps  to  afford  passage 
through  their  territory  to  the  forces  of  any  of  the  members  of  the 
League  which  are  cooperating  to  protect  the  covenants  of  the 
League. 

Any  member  of  the  League  which  has  violated  any  covenant 
of  the  League  may  be  declared  to  be  no  longer  a  member  of  the 
League  by  a  vote  of  the  Council  concurred  in  by  the  representa- 
tives of  all  the  other  members  of  the  League  represented  thereon. 

ARTICLE  SEVENTEEN 

In  the  event  of  a  dispute  between  a  member  of  the  League  and 
a  state  which  is  not  a  member  of  the  League,  or  between  states 
not  members  of  the  League,  the  state  or  states  not  members  of 
the  League  shall  be  invited  to  accept  the  obligations  of  member- 
ship in  the  League  for  the  purposes  of  such  dispute,  upon  such  con- 
ditions as  the  Council  may  deem  just.  If  such  invitation  is  ac- 
cepted, the  provisions  of  Articles  Twelve  to  Sixteen  inclusive  shall 
be  applied  with  such  modifications  as  may  be  deemed  necessary 
by  the  Council. 

Upon  such  invitation  being  given,  the  Council  shall  immediately 
institute  an  inquiry  into  the  circumstances  of  the  dispute  and 
recommend  such  action  as  may  seem  best  and  most  effectual  in 
the  circumstances. 

If  a  state  so  invited  shall  refuse  to  accept  the  obligations  of  mem- 
bership in  the  League  for  the  purposes  of  such  dispute,  and  shall 
resort  to  war  against  a  member  of  the  League,  the  provisions  of 
Article  Sixteen  shall  be  applicable  as  against  the  state  taking  such 
action. 

If  both  parties  to  the  dispute,  when  so  invited  refuse  to  accept 
the  obligations  of  membership  in  the  League  for  the  purposes  of 
such  dispute,  the  Council  may  take  such  measures  and  make  such 
recommendations  as  will  prevent  hostilities  and  will  result  in  the 
settlement  of  the  dispute. 


APPENDIX  305 


ARTICLE   EIGHTEEN 


Every  convention  or  international  engagement  entered  into 
henceforward  by  any  member  of  the  League,  shall  be  forthwith 
registered  with  the  Secretariat  and  shall  as  soon  as  possible  be 
published  by  it.  No  such  treaty  or  international  engagement 
shall  be  binding  until  so  registered. 


ARTICLE  NINETEEN 

The  Assembly  may  from  time  to  time  advise  the  reconsideration 
by  members  of  the  League  of  treaties  which  have  become  inap- 
plicable, and  the  consideration  of  international  conditions  whose 
continuance  might  endanger  the  peace  of  the  world. 

ARTICLE  TWENTY 

The  members  of  the  League  severally  agree  that  this  covenant 
is  accepted  as  abrogating  all  obligations  or  understandings  inter  se 
which  are  inconsistent  with  the  terms  thereof,  and  solemnly  under- 
take that  they  will  not  hereafter  enter  into  any  engagements  in- 
consistent with  the  terms  thereof. 

In  case  members  of  the  league  shall,  before  becoming  a  member 
of  the  League,  have  undertaken  any  obligations  inconsistent  with 
the  terms  of  this  covenant,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  such  member 
to  take  immediate  steps  to  procure  its  release  from  such  obliga- 
tions. 

ARTICLE  TWENTY-ONE 

Nothing  in  this  covenant  shall  be  deemed  to  affect  the  validity 
of  international  engagements  such  as  treaties  of  arbitration  or 
regional  understandings  like  the  Monroe  Doctrine  for  securing  the 
maintenance  of  peace. 

ARTICLE  TWENTY-TWO 

To  those  colonies  and  territories  which  as  a  consequence  of  the 
late  war  have  ceased  to  be  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  states  which 
formerly  governed  them  and  which  are  inhabited  by  peoples 
not  yet  able  to  stand  by  themselves  under  the  strenuous  conditions 
of  the  modern  world,  there  should  be  applied  the  principle  that  the 
well  being  and  development  of  such  peoples  form  a  sacred  trust  of 
civilization  and  that  securities  for  the  performance  of  this  trust 
should  be  embodied  in  this  covenant. 


306  APPENDIX 

The  best  method  of  giving  practicable  effect  to  this  principle 
is  that  the  tutelage  of  such  peoples  be  entrusted  to  advanced  na- 
tions who,  by  reasons  of  their  resources,  their  experience  or  their 
geographical  position,  can  best  undertake  this  responsibility,  and 
who  are  willing  to  accept  it,  and  that  this  tutelage  should  be  exer- 
cised by  them  as  mandatories  on  behalf  of  the  League. 

The  character  of  the  mandate  must  differ  according  to  the  stage 
of  the  development  of  the  people,  the  geographical  situation  of 
the  territory,  its  economic  condition  and  other  similar  circum- 
stances. 

Certain  communities  formerly  belonging  to  the  Turkish  Empire 
have  reached  a  stage  of  development  where  their  existence  as  in- 
dependent nations  can  be  provisionally  recognized  subject  to  the 
rendering  of  administrative  advice  and  assistance  by  a  mandatory 
until  such  time  as  they  are  able  to  stand  alone.  The  wishes  of  these 
communities  must  be  a  principal  consideration  in  the  selection  of 
the  mandatory. 

Other  peoples,  especially  those  of  Central  Africa,  are  at  such  a 
stage  that  the  mandatory  must  be  responsible  for  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  territory  under  conditions  which  will  guarantee  free- 
dom of  conscience  or  religion  subject  only  to  the  maintenance  of 
public  order  and  morals,  the  prohibition  of  abuses  such  as  the  slave 
trade,  the  arms  traffic  and  the  liquor  traffic  and  the  prevention  of 
the  establishment  of  fortifications  or  military  and  naval  bases  and 
of  military  training  of  the  natives  for  other  than  police  purposes 
and  the  defense  of  territory  and  will  also  secure  equal  opportuni- 
ties for  the  trade  and  commerce  of  other  members  of  the  League. 

There  are  territories,  such  as  Southwest  Africa  and  certain  of 
the  South  Pacific  islands,  which,  owing  to  the  sparseness  of  their 
population  or  their  small  size  or  their  remoteness  from  the  centres 
of  civilization  or  their  geographical  contiguity  to  the  territory  of 
the  mandatory  and  other  circumstances,  can  be  best  administered 
under  the  laws  of  the  mandatory  as  integral  portions  of  its  territory 
subject  to  the  safeguards  above  mentioned  in  the  interests  of  the 
indigenous  population.  In  every  case  of  mandate,  the  mandatory 
shall  render  to  the  Council  an  annual  report  in  reference  to  the 
territory  committed  to  its  charge. 

The  degree  of  authority,  control  or  administration  to  be  exer- 
cised by  the  mandatory  shall,  if  not  previously  agreed  upon  by 
the  members  of  the  League,  be  explicitly  denned  in  each  case  by 
the  Council. 


APPENDIX  307 

A  permanent  commission  shall  be  constituted  to  receive  and 
examine  the  annual  reports  of  the  mandatories  and  to  advise  the 
Council  on  all  matters  relating  to  the  observance  of  the  mandates. 

AKTICLE  TWENTY-THREE 

Subject  to  and  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  international 
conventions  existing  or  hereafter  to  be  agreed  upon,  the  members 
of  the  League  (a)  will  endeavor  to  secure  and  maintain  fair  and 
humane  conditions  of  labor  for  men,  women,  and  children  both 
in  their  own  countries  and  in  all  countries  to  which  their  commer- 
cial and  industrial  relations  extend,  and  for  that  purpose  will  estab- 
lish and  maintain  the  necessary  international  organizations;  (b) 
undertake  to  secure  just  treatment  of  the  native  inhabitants  of 
territories  under  their  control;  (c)  will  entrust  the  League  with 
the  general  supervision  over  the  execution  of  agreements  with  re- 
gard to  the  traffic  in  women  and  children,  and  the  traffic  in  opium 
and  other  dangerous  drugs;  (d)  will  entrust  the  League  with  the 
general  supervision  of  the  trade  in  arms  and  ammunition  with  the 
countries  in  which  the  control  of  this  traffic  is  necessary  in  the 
common  interest;  (e)  will  make  provision  to  secure  and  maintain 
freedom  of  communication  and  of  transit  and  equitable  treatment 
for  the  commerce  of  all  members  of  the  League.  In  this  connection 
the  special  necessities  of  the  regions  devastated  during  the  war  of 
1914-1918  shall  be  in  mind;  (f)  will  endeavor  to  take  steps  in 
matters  of  international  concern  for  the  prevention  and  control 
of  disease. 

ARTICLE  TWENTY-FOUR 

There  shall  be  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  League  all  in- 
ternational bureaus  already  established  by  general  treaties  if  the 
parties  to  such  treaties  consent.  All  such  international  bureaus 
and  all  commissions  for  the  regulation  of  matters  of  international 
interest  hereafter  constituted  shall  be  placed  under  the  direction 
of  the  League. 

In  all  matters  of  international  interest  which  are  regulated  by 
general  conventions  but  which  are  not  placed  under  the  control 
of  international  bureaus  or  commissions,  the  Secretariat  of  the 
League  shall,  subject  to  the  consent  of  the  Council  and  if  desired 
by  the  parties,  collect  and  distribute  all  relevant  information  and 
shall  render  any  other  assistance  which  may  be  necessary  or  de- 
sirable. 


308  APPENDIX 

The  Council  may  include  as  part  of  the  expenses  of  the  Secre- 
tariat the  expenses  of  any  bureau  or  commission  which  is  placed 
under  the  direction  of  the  League. 


AETICLE  TWENTY-FIVE 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  to  encourage  and  promote 
the  establishment  and  cooperation  of  duly  authorized  voluntary 
national  Red  Cross  organizations  having  as  purposes  improvement 
of  health,  the  prevention  of  disease  and  the  mitigation  of  suffering 
throughout  the  world. 

ARTICLE  TWENTY-SIX 

Amendments  to  this  covenant  will  take  effect  when  ratified  by 
the  members  of  the  League  whose  representatives  compose  the 
Council  and  by  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  League  whose 
representatives  compose  the  Assembly. 

No  such  amendment  shall  bind  any  member  of  the  League  which 
signifies  its  dissent  therefrom,  but  in  that  case  it  shall  cease  to  be 
a  member  of  the  League. 

ANNEX  TO  THE  COVENAOT 

One.    Original  members  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Signatories  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace. 

United  States  of  America,  Belgium,  Bolivia,  Brazil,  British  Em- 
pire, Canada,  Australia,  South  Africa,  New  Zealand,  India,  China, 
Cuba,  Czecho-Slovakia,  Ecuador,  France,  Greece,  Guatemala, 
Haiti,  Hedjaz,  Honduras,  Italy,  Japan,  Liberia,  Nicaragua,  Panama, 
Peru,  Poland,  Portugal,  Roumania,  Servia,  Siam,  Uruguay. 

States  invited  to  accede  to  the  covenant. 

Argentine  Republic,  Chile,  Colombia,  Denmark,  Netherlands, 
Norway,  Paraguay,  Persia,  Salvador,  Spam,  Sweden,  Switzerland, 
Venezuela. 

Two.  First  Secretary  General  of  the  League  of  Nations,  Sir 
James  Eric  Drummand. 


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